Between 1910 and 1940 the Angel Island Immigration Station was the primary port of entry for Asians into the United States, the place of enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Act and other anti-Asian immigration policies. Even in the absence of substantiating data, it is frequently asserted that almost all entering Chinese were detained at Angel Island and that they were detained for weeks, months, even years. This article presents the first empirical evidence on how long people arriving at San Francisco were detained at the Angel Island Immigration Station. The use of newly discovered data on passengers of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company (PMSS) for the period 1913-19 adds an empirical basis to our understanding of how immigration laws were administered in classifying and detaining aliens seeking to enter the United States, which arrivals were detained at Angel Island, and for how long. Results show that many Chinese were not detained at all; there was great variation in length of detention for Chinese who were detained; only some of this variation can be explained by the type of “exempt” status claimed for admission under the Chinese exclusion laws; Japanese arrivals had an even higher incidence of detention; and many detainees were either non-Asian, had come on ships from Central or South America, or were not “immigrants” at all.

The proportion of men aged 65 and older who are willing and able to work declined steadily over the twentieth century. The major factors in the rise of retirement appear to be the increased availability of pensions and the shift out of farming occupations; however, most research on this issue has focused only on the experience of northern men. This article uses data from records of the Georgia Confederate pension program to investigate the effects of pension and occupation on the southern retirement decision in the early twentieth century. An analysis of Union veterans living in the South suggests that regional factors like farm residence had a larger impact on retirement behavior than military pensions. As in the North, increases in wealth, especially among farmers, were associated with a higher probability of retirement.

The combined influence of the Great Migration of African Americans and the civil rights movement propelled the drive for fair housing legislation, which attempted to curb overt discrimination in housing markets. This drive culminated in the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968. By that time, 57 percent of the U.S. population and 41 percent of the African American population already resided in states with a fair housing law. This article uses hazard models to analyze the diffusion of state fair housing legislation and to shed new light on the combination of economic and political forces that facilitated the laws' adoption. Outside the South, states with larger union memberships, more Jewish residents, and more NAACP members passed fair housing laws sooner than others. Including controls for a variety of competing factors does not undermine the estimates, and historical accounts of the legislative campaigns support the article's interpretation.

In this article, we examine participation in floor debates by U.S. House Speakers in the First through Twenty-sixth Congresses (1789-1841). Consistent with the often-stated view that Speaker Henry Clay of Kentucky transformed the office of Speaker by using the prerogatives of the office more expansively than other early Speakers, Clay stands out among the Speakers of this period for the frequency and length in which he engaged in House debates. However, we also find that Speakers were regularly participating in floor debates over a decade before Clay held the office and that the five Speakers who succeeded Clay did not regularly participate in debate. Although Clay was not the first Speaker to participate regularly in floor debate, we propose that he transformed the office by effectively using all of the leadership tools available to the Speaker, demonstrating to his House colleagues the benefits of having the Speakership function as the central leadership institution for the chamber.

Contemporary events illustrate both the opportunities and the obstacles to democratic nation-building through military occupation. In addition to international influences or prewar legacies, domestic political forces within the occupying nation also set limits on the capacity for social and political change. We illustrate this dynamic by examining the effects of U.S. interest group politics on Japanese health policy during the American occupation after World War II. These struggles over health policy in postwar Japan illustrate that military occupations do not operate in a political vacuum but are shaped by the push and pull of domestic interest group politics back home.