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The Late Renaissance and the Unfolding Reformation in Europe
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
Extract
Martin Luther, conducted no doubt by a higher providence, but in discourse of reason, finding what a province he had undertaken against the bishop of Rome, and the degenerate traditions of the church, and finding his own solitude, being no ways aided by the opinions of his own time, was enforced to awake all antiquity, and to call former times to his succour, to make a party against the present time. So that the ancient authors, both in divinity, and in humanity, which had long time slept in libraries, began generally to be read and revolved. This by consequence did draw on a necessity of a more exquisite travel in the languages original, wherein those authors did write, for the better understanding of those authors, and the better advantage of pressing and applying their words. And thereof grew again a delight in their manner of style and phrase, and an admiration of that kind of writing….
Francis Bacon, Of the Advancement of Learning (1605) in Works (London, 1778).
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- Part I. The Church in Europe
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- Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1991
References
1 Humanitas, defined as a combination of moral generosity and scholarly learning, was a well-known ideal to the Renaissance, even if the term ‘humanism’ to describe a movement in ideas only dates from 1808. The locusclassicus for humanitas was ‘Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae’, bk 13, ch. 16 (usually cited as 13: 15); see; for example, Estienne, R., Dictionarium, seu latinae Linguae Thesaurus (Lyons, 1543)Google Scholar, s.v. ‘humanus’.
2 The formulation comes from Abraham Scultetus, Annalium Evangelii passim per Europam … renovati decades duae, 2 vols (Heidelberg, 1618–20).
3 E.g., Trinkaus, C., The Scope of Renaissance Humanism (Michigan, 1983), esp. pp. 237–62Google Scholar: ‘The religious thought of the Italian humanists: anticipation of the Reformers or autonomy’, and pp. 263–73: ‘The problem of free will in the Renaissance and the Reformation’.
4 On the theological level, see, e.g., McGrath, A. E., ‘Humanist elements in the early reformed doctrine of justification’, ARG, 73 (1982), pp. 5–20; Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation (Oxford, 1987), pp. 32—68; Reformation Thought: An Introduction (Oxford, 1988), pp. 27–49Google Scholar; for the level of personal influences, see Dickens, A. G., ‘Luther and the Humanists’ in Mack, P. and Jacob, M. C., eds, Politics and Culture in Early Modem Europe; Essays in Honor of H. G. Koenigsberger (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 199–213CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Junghans, H., Derjunge Luther und die Human-isten (Gottingen, 1985Google Scholar).
5 Moeller, B., Imperial Cities and the Reformation: Three Essays, ed. and tr. Midelfort, H. C. E. and Edwards, M. U. (Philadelphia, 1972), pp. 19–38Google Scholar.
6 For examples of this sort of biography see Kittelson, J. M., Wolfgang Capita: From Humanist to Reformer (Leiden, 1975CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Maurer, W., Derjunge Melanchthon zwischen Humanismus und Reformation, 2 vols (Gottingen, 1967-9Google Scholar); Bonorand, C., Vadians Weg mm Humanismus zur Reformation (St Gallen, 1962Google Scholar); Simon, G., Humanismus und Konfession: T. Billican, Leben und Werk (Berlin, 1980CrossRefGoogle Scholar).
7 On the Erasmus debate, see most recently Marjorie Boyle, O’Rourke, Rhetoric and Reform: Erasmus’ Civil Dispute with Luther (Cambridge, Mass., 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Erasmus and the “Modern” Question: Was he semi-Pelagian?’ ARC, 75 (1984), pp. 59–72; on the German humanists, Spitz, L.W., The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Particularly sharp forms of this distinction are found in Leonard, Emile G., Histoiregenerate du Protestantisme, 1 (Paris, 1961)Google Scholar, ch. 4, pp. n8ff; McGrath, Reformation Thought, pp. 41–5; for humanist influences as underlying some of Melanchthon’s problems after Luther’s death, see, for instance, Manschreck, C. L., ed., Melanchthon on Christian Doctrine: Loci Communes 1555 (New York, 1965), pp. xix—xxiiiGoogle Scholar.
9 A number of figures in the early Reformation period wander somewhat confusingly along the border between humanism and reform: see, for instance, Johannes Sylvius Egranus of Zwickau, as in Kirchner, H., Johannes Sylvius Egranus (Berlin, 1961)Google Scholar, and Karant-Nunn, Susan C., Zwickau in Transition, 1500–1147: The Reformation as an Agent of Change (Columbus, Ohio, 1987), pp. 100Google Scholarff. Those who, in Germany or Switzerland, were humanists first, and involved with the ‘Protestant’ reform either as agents or opponents soon after, are too numerous and notorious to list.
10 Bouwsma, W. J., ‘The two faces of humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in Renaissance thought’ in Oberman, H. A. and Brady, T. A, eds, Itinerarium Italicum (Leiden, 1978), pp. 3–60Google Scholar.
11 Compare, e.g., the figures discussed in Kristeller, P. O., Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renais sance (Stanford, 1965)Google Scholar, and in Randall, J. H. Jr., ‘Paduan Aristotelianism reconsidered’, in Mahoney, E. P., ed., Philosophy and Humanism: Renaissance Essays in honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller (New York, 1976), pp. 275–82Google Scholar. Trinkaus, C., ‘Renaissance Humanism, Its Formation and Develop ment’, in his The Scope of Renaissance Humanism, pp. 6–9Google Scholar, seems to deny the Paduan Aristotel ians a place among the humanists. This is no doubt arguable in the case of ‘scholastic’ philosophers like Achillini, Vernia, or Pomponazzi, but much harder to sustain for their sixteenth-century followers like Francesco Vimercato, and impossible, say, for Jacques Lefevre d’Etaples.
12 See, for instance, the discussions of Machiavelli and the humanist traditions in Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1978), I, pp. 128ff, 180ff., and Machiavelli (Oxford, 1981)Google Scholar, passim.
13 Compare, for instance, the respective attitudes of Erasmus and Josse Clichtove to the reform of monasricism. See Massaut, J. P., Josse Clichtove et la réforme du clergé, 2 vols (Paris, 1968), 1, pp. 433–45Google Scholar.
14 See, for instance, Tracy, James D., ‘Humanism and the Reformation’ in Ozment, S. E., ed., Reformation Europe: A Cuide to Research (St Louis, 1982), p. 46Google Scholar.
15 For late conciliarism, see Skinner, Foundations, 2, pp. 114–23; Thomson, J. A F., Popes and Princes 1417–1517:Politics and Polityin the Late Medieval Church (London, 1980), pp. 17—28Google Scholar;and above all the detailed articles by Francis Oakley listed in Ozment, ed., Reformation Europe, pp. 27–8.
16 See Evans, G.R., The Language and Logic of the Bible: The Road to Reformation (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 69—81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Holeczek, H., Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas More und William Tyndale (Leiden, 1975CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Bentley, J.H., ‘Erasmus’ Annotationes in Novum Testamentum and the Textual Criticism of the gospels’, ARC, 67 (1976), pp. 33—53Google Scholar; Bedouelle, G., Lefivre d’Etaples el I’intelligence des écritures (Geneva, 1976)Google Scholar.
17 See especially Erasmus’s Letter to Martin Dorp in Erasmi Epistolae, ed. P. S. and H. M. Allen (Oxford, 1906–58), 2, pp. ooff.; for concepts of’tradition’ see the influential formulation of Oberman, H. A. in Forerunners of the Reformation, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1981), pp. 51—120Google Scholar.
18 Evans, Language and Logic, p. 81; for vernacular versions of the Bible before 1520, see Delumeau, J., Naissance et affirmation de la reforme (Paris, 1973), pp. 71–2Google Scholar; Erasmus’s thoughts on translating the Bible are cited and discussed by Dickens, A G., ‘Luther and the humanists’ in Mack and Jacob, eds, Politics and Culture, pp. 203Google Scholarff.
19 See works of Erasmus: De rationestudii; De pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis; on educational reform see Overfield, J. H., Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany (Princeton, 1984)Google Scholar; for rhetorical elements in Renaissance educational reform note the work of Andre de Gouvea at the College de Guyenne in Bordeaux, as in Brian Vickers, In Defence of Rhetoric (Oxford, 1988), pp. 256ff., and ‘Rhetorical and anti-rhetorical tropes: on writing the history of elocutio’ in Comparative Criticism: A Year Book, 3 (1981), pp. 120ff.
20 For Renaissance rhetorical theory see the essays in Murphy, James J, ed., Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric (Berkeley, 1983)Google Scholar; Vickers, Brian, In Defence of Rhetoric (Oxford, 1988), pp. 254–93;Google Scholar for ‘ornamentation’ see the list of additional compilers of ‘adages’ included in Erasmus, Adagia (Frankfurt, 1599, 1613, and numerous subsequent editions); Phillips, M. M., The Adages of Erasmus: A Study with Translations (Cambridge, 1964).Google Scholar
21 Dialectic was omitted in a list of subjects proposed for a new college in the University of St Andrews by Hay, Archibald, Ad Reverendissimum … D. Iacohum Betoun …pro collegiierectione …oratio (Paris, 1538),Google Scholar sig. D3v-D4r, and also omitted in the list of subjects proposed when the same college was refounded in 1553: Evidence, Oral and Documentary …for visiting the Universities of Scotland, 3: St Andrews (London, 1837), p. 362; see my ‘Archibald Hay’s “Elegantiae”’ in Actesdu III’ congris d’etudes neo-latines, Tours 1976 (Paris, 1980), pp. 282, 286, 294–5.
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25 For the excesses of this piety see Toussaert, J., Le Sentiment religieux en Flandre a la fin du moyen age (Paris, 1963)Google Scholar; or more recently Audisio, G., Les Vaudois du Luberon: une minoriteen Provence (1460-1560) (Merindol, 1984), pp. 208–16Google Scholar, where ‘Waldensian heresy’ consisted in not accumulating Masses for the dead in the enormous numbers sought by even quite poor orthodox Catholic believers. Obviously Erasmus cannot be regarded as paradigmatic of the ‘humanist’ critique as a whole; he can be regarded as influential, if the cumulative effects of the Enchiridion after its third edition, the Praise of Folly, and some of the Colloquies are borne in mind. See also, for instance, Sebastian Brant’s Narrenschiff; and the simplifications of reli gious worship in the Meaux circle, recently discussed by Eire, C. M. N., War against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 168–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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27 This antithesis is, of course, a deliberate caricature; the Nicomachean Ethics justified die lay, active life, as did medieval authors like Guillaume de St-Amour of Jehan de Meung. However, thinkers like L.-B. Alberti may have made the active ideal more widespread, pervasive, and ‘official’, even if they did not invent it. See Gutton, , Societe et les pauvres, pp. 101–2Google Scholar; Skinner, , Foundations, 1, pp. 98–9Google Scholar.
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35 Cf. Institutes, II, xi, 1–6.
36 For Zwingli’s use of allegorical exegesis see Stephens, W. P., The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli (Oxford, 1986), pp. 78–9Google Scholar; McGrath, , Intellectual Origins, pp. 169–70Google Scholar.
37 For Erasmus on translation see the Paraclesis of 1516, as cited by Dickens, ‘Luther and the Humanists’, pp. 203–4; on Lefevre, Bedouelle, Lefevre d’£taptes, and Petavel-Olliff, C., La Bible en France, ou les traductions françaises des Saintes Escritures (Paris, 1864)Google Scholar.
38 See my The Reformation of the Heretics: The Waldenses of the Alps 1480–1580 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 208–9; Petavel-Olliff, , La Bible en France, pp. 89–117Google Scholar; Jalla, J., ‘La Bible d’Olivetan’, Bulletin de la Societe dtiistoire vaudoise, 58 (1932), 76–92Google Scholar, and more recently, e.g., Roussel, B., ‘La “Bible d’Olivetan”: La traduction du livre du prophète Habaquq’, in Etudes théologiaues et religieuses 4 (1982), pp. 537–547Google Scholar.
39 See Armstrong, E., Robert Estienne, Royal Printer: An Historical Study of the Older Stephanas (Cambridge, 1954), pp. 228–39Google Scholar.
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41 See, for instance, Heinrich Bullinger in 1549: ‘the minister of the church doth expound the scriptures to the congregation … we therefore, the interpreters of God’s holy word, and faithful ministers of the church of Christ, must… teach the people of Christ the word of God’: The Decades of Henry Bullinger, ed. Harding, T., 4 vols, PS (1840-52), 1, pp. 70–5Google Scholar.
42 See Strauss, G., ‘Lutheranism and Literacy: A Reassessment’, in Greyerz, K. von, ed., Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe 1500–1800 (London, 1984), pp. 100–23Google Scholar; Gawthrop, R. and Strauss, G., ‘Protestantism and Literacy in Early Modern Germany’, PaP, 104 (1984), pp. 31–55Google Scholar.
43 Vogler, B., Le Clergéprotectant rhénan au siècle de la réforme (1556-1619) (Paris, 1976), pp. 54–6Google Scholar; Meylan, H., D’£rasme à Théodorede Béze (Geneva, 1976), p. 238Google Scholar.
44 See, for example, Institutes, II, ii, 12–24.
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48 On these last see Menk, G., Die hohe Schule Herbom in ihrer Frühzeit (1584–1600):ein Beitrag zum Hochschulwesen des deutschen Kalvinismus im Zeitalter der Reformation (Wiesbaden, 1981)Google Scholar; Press, V., Calvinismus und Territorialstaat: Regierung und Zentralbehörden der Kurpfalz 1559–1619 (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 320–1Google Scholar.
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69 Dickens, A. G. and Tonkin, J. with Powell, K., The Reformation in Historical Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), pp. 8–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the ‘apocalyptic’ tradition in church history as it related to the exploitation of medieval heresy see my Reformation of the Heretics, pp. 243–52.
70 Dickens, and Tonkin, , Reformation, pp. 10–19Google Scholar; see Kelley, D. R., ‘Johann Sleidan and the Origins of History as a Profession’, JMH, 52 (1980), pp. 573–98Google Scholar; an early imitator was Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de Vestat de la religion et république … (n.p., 1565).
71 Dickens, and Tonkin, , Reformation, pp. 84–6Google Scholar; Yardeni, M., ‘La Conception de l’histoire dans l’ceuvrede La Popelinière’, Revue d’Histoiremoderneetcontemporaine, n (1964), pp. 112–16Google Scholar; Dubois, C-G., La Conception de l’histoire en France au xvi’siècle (1560-1610) (Paris, 1977), pp. 124—53Google Scholar.
72 See, above all, Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 58–89; of this phenomenon Dickens, A. G. remarks: ‘Do we not come very clear to the nexus between Christian Humanism and the Reformation? Here we observe a momentous encounter between a would-be-Scriptural religion and a variegated host of cults, processed, mediated, or merely tolerated by ecclesiastical authority…’: ‘Luther and the Humanists’, in Mack and Jacob, eds, Politicsand Culture, p. 205Google Scholar.
73 See, for instance, Collinson, P., The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society 1559–1625 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 220–30Google Scholar; Cameron, , The Reformation of the Heretics, pp. 179–80, 193–6Google Scholar.
74 On which see, above all, Delumeau, J., Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire (London, 1977)Google Scholar.
75 The work of Martin of Aries y Andosilla, Tractalus insignis et exquisitissimus de superstitionibus contra maleficia seu sortilegia (Paris, 15 iyff.), collected some of its author’s own experiences as a cleric near Pamplona, as well as writings by Gerson and Nider. The work of Henry of Gorinchem, Tractalus de supersticiosis quibusdam casibus, was printed twice at Esslingen in the 1470s and at Cologne in 1488.
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77 Ibid., pp. 54–104.
78 On ‘acculturation’, see Muchembled, R., ‘Lay Judges and the Acculturation of the Masses (France and the Southern Low Countries, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries)’ in von Greyerz, ed., Religion and Society, pp. 56–65Google Scholar; also Muchembled, R., Popular Culture and Elite Culture in France 1400–1750, Cochrane, tr. L. (Baton Rouge, La., 1985), passim.Google Scholar
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90 Karant-Nunn, S. C, Zwickau in Transition 1500–1547 :the Reformation as an Agent of change (Columbus, Ohio, 1987), pp. 131–3Google Scholar; for the-pressures for ‘communalization’ of the old Church in general see Blickle, P., Gemeindereformation: Die Menschen da 16. Jahrhunderts aufdem Wegzum Heil (Munich, 1985), pp. 179ffGoogle Scholar.
91 These are approximately the findings of, for instance, Wrightson, K. and Levine, D., Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525–1700, (London, 1979)Google Scholar and Collinson, P., ‘Cranbrook and the Fletchers: popular and unpopular religion in the Kentish Weald’ in Brooks, P. N., ed., Reformation Principle and Practice: Essays in Honour of Arthur Geoffrey Dickens (London, 1980), pp. 173–202Google Scholar.
92 The case is put by Ingram, M., ‘Religion, communities and moral discipline in late sixteenth-and early seventeenth-century England: case studies’ in Greyerz, von, ed., Religion and Society, pp. 177–93; and by his Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England 1570–1640 (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar.
93 For some indications of common ground, see Delumeau, , Naissarue et affirmation, pp. 351 ffGoogle Scholar.
94 Bacon, , Works, 1 (London, 1778), pp. 14–15Google Scholar.