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St Willibrord in Recent Historiography

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2016

Eugène Honée*
Affiliation:
Catholic Theological University of Utrecht
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Extract

In contrast to his fellow-countryman Boniface, Willibrord did not leave any correspondence or other writings. As a matter of fact, the only thing known to us is a small private note, consisting of a few lines. This note was written when he was seventy years old and is part of the liturgical calendar which he carried with him on his missionary travels. Here Willibrord, speaking about himself in the third person, mentions two events from his eventful life: first, that he came across the sea to the Frankish Kingdom in 690, secondly, that he was consecrated bishop by Pope Sergius in Rome five years later. These are the only things he says about himself.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2000 

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References

1 Wilson, H. A., ed., The Calendar of St. WilHbrord, from Ms. Paris Lat. 10837. A Facsimile with Transcription, Introduction and Notes, Henry Bradshaw Society 55 (London, 1918), Pl. XI (facsimile) and p. 13 (transcription).Google Scholar

2 Willibrord’s life can be summarized as follows: 658 birth in Northumbria, c. 665 admission as puer oblatus to the monastery of Ripon, 678 departure to Ireland (Rath Melsighi), 690 departure to the continent, 739 death in Echternach. For Rath Melsighi as the monastery where Willibrord spent his Irish years, see Ó’Croinin, D., ‘Rath Melsighi, Willibrord and the Earliest Echternach Manuscripts’, Peritia, 3 (1984), pp. 1749, here pp. 22–3 and n. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Levison, W., ‘St. Willibrord and his place in history’, in ibid., Aus rheinischer und fränkischer Frühzeit. Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Düsseldorf, 1948), pp. 314–29.Google Scholar

4 Oxford, 1946.

5 Post, R. R., ‘Sint Willibrord in Noord en Zuid. Eenige kantteekeningen bij de jubileumliteratuur’, Nederlandse Historiebladen, 3 (1940/41), pp. 114Google Scholar; idem, De overgang van de Friezen tot het Christendom, Frisia Catholica 1948 (brochure); idem, ‘Nieuwe argumenten voor Sint Willibrords missiearbeid in Antwerpen en Noord-Brabant?’, Studia Catholica, 29 (1954), pp. 165–77; idem, Kerkgeschiedenis van Nederland, 2 vols (Utrecht, 1957), I, pp. 14–29; Wampach, C., Geschichte der Grundherrschaft Echternach im Frühmitteltelater, 1, 1 (Textband), 1, 2 (Quellenband) (Luxemburg, 1929-30)Google Scholar; idem, Sankt Willibrord. Sein Leben uni Lebenswerk (Luxemburg, 1953). For a more complete survey see my ‘Sint Willibrord in wisselend historisch perspectief. Recente discussies over zijn geestelijke herkomst en missiewerk’, Tijdschrift voor Theologie 31 (1991), pp. 357–80, here pp. 362–5.

6 Levison, ‘St. Willibrord’, 320.

7 Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, v, 11 (ed. C. Plummer, Venerabais Baedae opera historica, vol. 1 [Oxford, 1896], p. 301) [hereafter HE].

8 Fletcher, R., The Conversion of Europe. From Paganism to Christianity 371-1386 AD (London, 1997), ch. 6.Google Scholar

9 Berkum, A. van, ‘Willibrord en Wilfried. Een onderzoek naar hun wederzijdse betrekkingen’, Sacris erudiri, 23 (1978/79), pp. 347415CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Iers-Columbaanse achtergronden in het leven en beleid van Willibrord en de zijnen’ (Louvain, 1980) (dissertation in typescript); idem, ‘Réflexions sut la physionomie spirituelle de Saint Willibrord et de ses compagnons’, Echtemacher Studien/Études Eptemaciennes, 2 (1982), pp. 7–18. Richter, M., ‘Der irische Hintergrund der angelsächsischen Mission’, in Löwe, H., ed., Dìe Iren und Europa im frühen Mittelalter, 2 vols (Stuttgan, 1982), I, pp. 120–37Google Scholar; idem, ‘The young Willibrord’, in Kiesel, G. and Schroeder, J., eds, Willibrord. Apostei der Niederlande - Gründer der Abtei Echtemach. Gedenkgabe zum 1250. Todestag des angebächsischen Missionars (2nd edn, Luxembourg 1990 [1st edn 1989]), pp. 2530Google Scholar; idem, ‘England and Ireland in the time of Willibrord’, in Bange, P. and Weiler, A. G., eds, Willibrord, zijn wereld en zijn werk. Voordrachten gehouden tijdens het Willibrordcongres Nijmegen, 28-30 September 1989, Middeleeuwse Studies, VI (Nijmegen, 1990), pp. 3550.Google Scholar

10 ‘Erant ibidem eo tempore multi… qui… relicta insula patriae, vel divinae lectionis vel continentioris vitae gratia ilio secesserant. Et quidam quidem mox se monasticae conversationi fideliter mancipaverunt: alii magis circumeundo per celias magistrorum lectioni operam dare gaudebant, Bede, HE, iii, 27 (ed. Plummer, p. 192).

11 A. Angenendt, ‘Die irische Perigrinatio und ihre Auswirkungen auf dem Kontinent vor dem Jahre 800’, in Löwe, Iren, pp. 124–75.

12 Bede, HE, v, 9 (ed. Plummet, p. 296).

13 See Richter, ‘Hintergrund’, pp. 123–7.

14 ‘Vovit etiam votum, quia adeo peregrinus vivere vellet, ut nunquam in insulam, in qua natus est, id est Brittanniam, rediret’, Bede, HE, iii, 27 (ed. Plummer, p. 193).

15 ‘Proposuit animo…verbum Dei aliquibus earum, quae nondum audierant, gentibus evangelisando committere’, Bede, HE, v, 9 (ed. Plummer, p. 296).

16 Bede, HE, v, 9 (ed. Plummer, pp. 296–303).

17 D. Ó’Croinin, ‘Rath Melsighi’, pp. 17–49.

18 Ibid., pp. 28–36.

19 Wampach, Geschichte, I, 2, No. 3 and No. 15 (p. 19 and p. 42).

20 H. Wegman, ‘De praktijk van de eredienst in het leven van Willibrord’, in Bange and Weiler, Willibrord, pp. 221–36.

21 Post, Kerkgeschiedenis, p. 17.

22 Ibid., p. 21. See also Weiler, , Willibrords missie. Christendom en cultuur in de zevende en achtste eeuw (Hilversum, 1989), pp. 112–13 and 115.Google Scholar

23 See for this my Willibrord, asceet en geloofsverkondiger. De lijn van zijn leven en de structuur van zijn levenswerk (Zoetermeer, 1995), pp. 49–58.

24 Bede, HE, V, 10 (ed. Plummer, p. 299).

25 Büttner, H., ‘Mission und Kirchenorganistation des Frankenreiches bis zum Tode Karls des Grossen’, in Braunfels, H., ed., Karl der Grosse. Lebenswerk und Nachleben, I: Persöntichkeit und Geschichte (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 462–3.Google Scholar

26 Werner, M., Adelsfamilien im Umkreis der frühen Karolinger. Die Verwandtschaft Irminas von Oeren und Adelas von Pfalzel, Vorträge und Forschungen hrsg. vom Konstanzer Arbeitskreis fur mittelalterliche Geschichte, Sonderband 28 (Sigmaringen, 1982), pp. 98121Google Scholar. Werner’s argumentation did not convince E. Hlawitschka, as may be clear from the latter’s contribution: ‘Zu den Grandlagen des Aufstiegs der Karolinger’, Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, 49 (1985), pp. 1–48.

27 Werner, Adelsfamilien, pp. 84–5 and 96-8.

28 Ibid., pp. 44–8 and 60-83.

29 ‘Dum sanctitas et dilectio vestra erga me vel monasterium meum assidue agitur’, Wampach, Echternach, I, 2, No. 3 (p. 19).

30 Schroeder, J., ‘Willibrord und Rom. Zu den beiden Papstbesuchen des Apostels der Friesen’, Hémecht. Zeitschrift für Luxemburgische Geschichte, 37 (1985), pp. 513, here pp. 1011.Google Scholar

31 ‘misit Pippin… Uilbrordum Romam… postulans ut eidem Fresonum genti archiepiscopus ordinaretur’, Bede, HE, v, 11 (ed. Plummer, p. 302).

32 Vita s. Willibrordi archiepiscopi Traiectensis auctore Alcuino, cap. 7, ed. W. Levison, MGH, SRM, 7 (Hanover, 1919), pp. 113–41, 122.

33 Gregory the Great, Registram Epistularum, XI, 39 (22.6.601), ed. Norberg, CChr.SL, CXLA (Turnhout, 1996), pp. 934–5.

34 Bede, HE, v, 11 (ed. Plummer, p. 303).

35 Levison,’St. Willibrord’, pp. 326–8.

36 Van Berkum, ‘De constituering en mislukking van de Friese kerkprovincie’, in Bange and Weiler, Willibrord, pp. 159–71, here 169.

37 Van Berkum, ‘Reflexions’, p. 17.

38 A. Weiler, Willibrords missie, pp. 103–9, 144 and 153. See also P. Leupen, ‘Sint Salvator en Sint Maarten: Willibrord en Bonifatius’, in Bange and Weiler, Willibrord, pp. 317–27. Bede’s brief account runs as follows: ‘Donavit autem ei Pippin locum cathedrae episcopalis in castello suo inlustri, quod… lingua… Gallica Traiectum vocatur’, HE, v, 11 (ed. Plummer, p. 303).

39 Boniface, Epistulae, ed. M. Tangl, MGH, Epp. Sel. (21955), No 109.

40 ‘Willibrord als römischer Erzbischof’, in Kiesel and Schroeder, Willibrord. Apostei der Niederlande, pp. 31–41.

41 ‘Willibrord im Dienste der Karolinger’, Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein, 175 (1973), pp. 63–113, here 91-4.

42 Wampach, Echternach, I, 2, No 39.

43 ‘Willibrord tussen bischopszetel en klooster’, Millennium. Tijdschrift voor middeleeuwse studies, 10 (1996), pp. 100–10.

44 Moisl, H., ‘Das Kloster lona und seine Verbindungen mit dem Kontinent im siebenten und achten Jahrhundert’, in Dopsch, H. and Juffinger, R., eds, Virgil von Salzburg. Missionar und Celehrter. Beiträge des intemationalen Symposiums vom 21.-24. Sept. 1984 (Salzburg, 1985), pp. 2737.Google Scholar

45 See for the geographical situation of these places Wampach’s map of ‘Echternachs entfernter Klosterbesitz in Friesland, am Niederrhein und in Franken-Thüringen’ in Wampach, 1, 1. With regard to Susteren see Werner, Adeisfamihen, pp. 157, 289; and idem, Der Lüttkher Raum in frühkarolingischer Zeit, VeröfTentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, 62 (Göttingen, 1980), p. 170. In Hammelburg a monastery was only planned, not realized; see Werner, Adelsfamilien, pp. 156–9. For the presumptive evidence of a monastery in Rindern see Angenendt, ‘Willibrord… bisschopszetel’, p. 106.

46 Gijsseling, M. and Koch, A. C. F., eds, Diplomala Belgica ante annum millesimum centesimum scripta, 2 vols (Brussels, 1950), I, 305, No 173Google Scholar: ‘monasterium, quod est infra muros Traiecto castro situm constructum, ubi apostolicus vir et in Christo pater noster Vuillibrordus archiepiscopus sub sancte conversationis cenobitali ordine custos preesse videtur.’