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Calvinism with an Anglican Face: The Stranger Churches in Early Elizabethan London and their Superintendent
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
Extract
Sometimes a useful point is scored by reminding students whose Latin is rusty that John Jewel’s Apologia Ecclesiae Anglkanae is not an apology for the Church of England, still less for a newly invented religion called Anglicanism, but an apology of the Church of England, in defence of a religion deemed to be universal, catholic and of a primitive character. But one is in danger of being caught out by the alert and troublesome pupil who may know that the English version of the Apologia was entitled An apologie or aunswer in defence of the Church of England. There is ambiguity in the very construction of Jewel’s title, as there will prove to be inany attempt to reconcile the various senses in which the post-reformation English churchwas and was not considered to be a distinct and self-sufficient entity.
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References
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10 This article omits consideration of the case of the perfectionist ‘fanatic’ Justus Velsius and of a more recalcitrant crisis in the Dutch congregation at Austin Friars which centered on the minister Godfried van Winghen and his controversial views on baptism and on iconoclasm and other manifestations of active resistance in the Netherlands.
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22 Calvin to des Gallare, [June 1560]; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3216, cols 116-17. The editors mistakenly concluded from this letter that it was des Gallars whom some favoured as superintendent. The true position is stated in the letter from des Gallars to Calvin, 2 August 1560; ibid, no 3233, cols 161-6. In later years what Calvin had said was hardly questioned, particularly among the French. In 1565 Grindel was told: ‘Nous confessons plainement que ne pouvons avoir ung refuge plus asseure que vostre bien veuillance et authorite, a fin que les molestes et fascheries que nos font telles gens soient reprimees.’ Grindal’s response to this testimonial, presented on 10 December, was to invite the French consistory to celebrate one of the twelve days of Christmas with him. (Actes du consistoire pp 124-5.)
23 Kerkeraads-Protocollen [der Nederduitsche Vluchtelingen-Kerk te Londen 1560-1563, ed Schelven], A. A. van, Werken uitgegeven door het Historisch genootschap, series 3, 43 (Amsterdam 1921) pp 134–5Google Scholar.
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25 Treatises on predestination and on matrimony, Corpus Christi College Cambridge MSS 115, 126; treatises on ecclesiastical discipline and excommunication and on purgatory, BL, MS Add 48040, no 3.
26 Schickler, 3, p 173.
27 Ibid, 1, p 90.
28 Ibid, 1, p 91.
29 Kingdon, R.M., Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France, 1555-1563, Travaux d’humanisme et renaissance 22 (Geneva 1956)Google Scholar; Koenigsberger, H.G., ‘The Organisation of Revolutionary Parties in France and the Nrtherlands During the Sixteenth Century’, JMH 27 (1955) pp 335–51Google Scholar.
30 Geneva pastors to ministers and elders of Flemish church in London, 4 May 1560, Hessels, 2, pp 132-3; Calvin to Grindal, 15 May 1560, Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3199, cols 87-8. For des Gallars, see Eugène and Émile Haag, La France Protestante, ed Bordier, Henri, 5 (2 rev ed Paris 1886) cols 298–305Google Scholar.
31 Calvin to Grindal, 15 May 1560; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3199, cols 87-8.
32 Haugaard, William P., Elizabeth and the English Reformation (Cambridge 1968) pp 185–200Google Scholar; Heal, Felicity, ‘The Bishops and the Act of Exchange of 1559’, HJ 17 (1974) pp 227–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 Calvin to Grindal, 15 May 1560; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3199, cols 87-8. See also Grindal to Calvin, 10 February 1561; ibid no 3337, cols 357-9.
34 Actes du consistoire p 42.
35 Des Gallars to Calvin, 14 February 1561; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3341, cols 366-8.
36 Translation by Gorham, G. C. of Calvin’s letter to Grindal of 15 May 1560, Gleanings of a Few Scattered Ears During the Reformation in England (London 1857) pp 415–17Google Scholar.
37 Schickler, 1, pp 93, 96n.
38 Kingdon, [R. M.], Geneva and [the Consolidation of] the French Protestant Movement 1564-1572 (Madison 1967)Google Scholar.
39 Schickler, 1, pp 96, 132.
40 Ibid pp. 93-4; Actes du consistoire p xvi.
41 Schickler, 1, pp 94-5.
42 Grindal’s proficiency in German is well documented. On one occasion he wrote to Cecil to say that so far as he could understand the language in which they were written the proposals of a group of French protestants in Southampton appeared reasonable. (PRO, SP 12/43/29.)
43 Schickler, 1, pp 95-6; Actes du consistoire p 4.
44 Ibid p 4; Schickler, 1, pp 98-100. Heton, one of the ‘sustainers’ of the Marian exile, is mentioned in several of the Zurich Letters, [ed H. Robinson], PS (1845). For his participation with Grindal and Utenhove in the Emden scheme, see Grindal to Utenhove, 10 February 1563, Hessels, 2, pp 210-13. See also Garrett, C. H., The Marian Exiles (Cambridge 1938) pp 18n, 27, 48, 182–3Google Scholar.
45 Schickler, 1, pp 103-15. An apparently unique copy of the printed Latin text, Forma poiititae ecclesiasticae, which includes a dedication to Grindal, is bound up with BL, MS 48096. It was originally in the possession of the puritan activist John Field.
46 Actes du consistoire pp 11-12.
47 Ibid p 5.
48 Calvin to des Gallars, 5 October, November 1560; Calvin, Opera, 18, nos 3257, 3276, cols 211-15, 242-3.
49 Actes du consistoire pp xxiii, 20.
50 Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 340 (no 19, pp 425-34) (i) ‘Apologia Petri Alexandri adversus animadversiones domini Galasii ad reverendum patrem et domi-num episcopum Londinensem’; (ii) ‘In scripto domini Petri inquit haec sunt ani-madvertanda’; (iii) ‘Responsio Petri Alexandri ad animadversionem domini Galasii’.
51 Actes du consistoire p 21.
52 Ibid pp 22, 42.
53 Ibid p 48; Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 234-5.
54 Actes du consistoire p 50.
55 Ibid p 87.
56 Ibid p 51; Schickler, 1, pp 127-31. Des Gallare to Throckmorton in CalSPF, 1561-2, nos 458, 485, 492, 507, 511, 569, 583, 611, 636. Des Gallare to Grindal, 29 October 1561, PRO, SP 70/31/486.
57 Actes du consistoire p xxv; Schickler, 1, pp 131-2; Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 280-1.
58 Ibid pp 285-6.
59 Schickler, 1, p 133.
60 Ibid pp 133-6; Actes du consistoire p xxv; Grindal to Calvin, 19 June 1563, Calvin, Opera, 20, no 3696, cols 43-5, English translation in Zurich Letters, 2, pp 96-7; testimonials for des Gallars from the French and Dutch churches, 14, 25 May 1563, Hessels, 3 (1897) PP 29-31.
61 Cousin was doubtless more welcome to lovers of ‘discipline’ than Adrian Saravia whose appointment was earlier mooted—Des Gallars to Calvin, 31 December 1561; Calvin, Opera, 20, no 3680, cols 226-7. Saravia would later dissent from Calvinist dogmatics and was already suspected of holding the Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity, Kerkeraads-Protocollen p 266.
62 Letters from des Gallars to Calvin of 1 July, 2 August, 2, 13 September, 14 October 1560, 25 January, 14 February, 14 April, 7 June, 6 October, 31 December 1561, 16 March 1562; Calvin, Opera, 18, nos 3226, 3233, 3241, 3244, 3261, 3327, 3341, 3373, 3412, cols 142-5, 161-6, 174-5, 180-2, 219-21, 340-2, 366-8, 423-5, 504-6; 19, nos 3551, 3680, 3744, cols 18-19, 226-7, 338-43.
63 Des Gallars to Calvin, 13 September 1560: ‘Unum me solatur, quod Alexander purae est doctrinae, sectariis infestissimus, vitiaque acriter insectatur.’, Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3244, cols 180-2.
64 Gilmont, J.-F., ‘La génèse du martyrologe d’Adrien van Haemstede (1559)’, RHE, 63 (1968) pp 379–414Google Scholar. See also the study by Jeslmas, A. J., Adriaan van Haemstede en zijn Martelaarsboek (The Hague 1970)Google Scholar.
65 See the heading on p 23 of Kerkeraads-Protocollen: ‘De Adriano bibliopola’.
66 Jordan, W. K., The Development of Religious Toleration in England, 1 (London 1932) pp 303–64Google Scholar; van Dorsten pp 16-18.
67 McNair, Philip, ‘Ochino’s Apology: Three Gods or Three Wives?’, History, 60 (1975) PP 353–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar McNair remarks that the Italian exiles mixed with the ‘severe and doctrinaire divines’ of northern Europe like oil with water. ‘Wherever there was trouble, there was an Italian behind it.’
68 There is a modern edition, Jacobi Acontii Satanae Stratagematum libri octo, ed Walther Koehler (Tübingen 1927); and an English translation of books 1-4 with an introduction by O’Malley, C. D., Sturo branch, California state library, Occasional Papers, English series 5, pt 1 (San Francisco 1940)Google Scholar. See Hassinger, Erich, Studien zu Jacobus Acontius, Abh zur Mittleren una Neueren Geschichte 76 (Berlin 1934)Google Scholar.
69 Des Gallars to Calvin, 25 January 1561; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3327, cols 340-2.
70 Van Dorsten pp 27-33; Rekers, B., Benito Arias Montano (1972) pp 70–104Google Scholar.
71 Lindeboom p 41.
72 Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed Hughes, P. L. and Larkin, J. F., 2 (New Haven 1969) no 470, pp 148–9Google Scholar. Was a formal petition presented? The archives of the Dutch church contain a letter from Grindal to Utenhove and Deleen, dated 4 September 1560, referring to a supplication submitted by certain anonymous persons, ‘apparently anabaptists’. Grindal reports the opinion that the author was ‘Adrianus’. But Hessels knew of evidence which identified this man as a certain Adrianus Gorinus, Hessels, 2, pp 139-41.
73 Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 6-10, 445-7.
74 Hessels, 2, pp 522-3, 552-8.
75 Williams, G. H., The Radical Reformation (London 1962) pp 325–37Google Scholar.
76 Acontius wrote to Grindal in 1564: ‘Ac quoniam quod fuit in Hadriani condemnatione praecipuum, et quo propemodum solo nomine videtur haereticus fuisse habitus, id in usu vocabuli circunstantiae erat positum: arbitror ego super hoc puncto potis-simum a me satisfactionem requiri’, Hessels, 2, p 227.
77 Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 11, 445-7.
78 Ibid p 455.
79 Ibid pp 27-8.
80 There are entries relating to the affair of van Haemestede throughout the main series of Kerkeraads-Protocollen for this period (pp 6-353). These are followed by a special register (pp 445-66): ‘De Moeilijkheden met Adriaen van Haemstede’. Des Gallars to Calvin, 2 September 1560; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3241, cols 174-5.
81 Kerkeraads-Protocollen p 459.
82 Ibid pp 455, 458-61, 135.
83 Ibid pp 43-4, 462.
84 Ibid pp 44-6, 463.
85 Ibid pp 48-9, 464-5.
86 Ibid pp 50-4, 465, 59-60.
87 Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 113 no 37 pp 281-6 contains an autograph letter from Acontius to des Gallars, for which the date of 4 September 1560 is inferred. It bears marginal annotations in the hand of des Gallars. The letter is printed and dis cussed in [Philippe] Denis, [‘Un combat aux frontières de l’orthodoxie: la controverse entre Acontius et des Gallars sur la question du fondement et des circonstances de l’église’], BHR, 38 (1976) pp 55-72.
88 Kerkeraads-Protocollen p 68. This manifesto has not survived. But its argument is rehearsed in a letter from Acontius to Grindal of 1564: Hessels, 2, pp 224-34.
89 Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 59, 64, 65, 68, 70.
90 Ibid pp 72-3; Actes du consistoire p 14. The sentence is printed by Hessels from the archives of the Dutch church, Hessels, 2, pp 142-3.
91 Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 76-9, 89, 90, 103-4; -Actes du consistoire pp 17-18.
92 Adriaan van Haemstede to Mayken, wife of Jacob Cool, 10 February 1561; Hessels, 2, pp 144-6.
93 Van Dorsten p 33.
94 Carolus Utenhove to [John Utenhove], 16 May 1561; Hessels, 2, pp 162-4.
95 Kerkeraads-Protocollen p 111.
96 Ibid pp 117, 163, 166, 175. See the document in Hessels, 2, pp 149-50 beginning ‘Conditiones duae offerendae quibusdam in Ecclesia Germanica, qui hactenus visi sunt adhaerere Hadriano’.
97 Actes du consistoire p 39.
98 Statement by ‘denuntiati fratres’, 2 May 1561, Hessels, 2, pp 150-1.
99 Kerkeraads-Protocollen pp 185-8, 201, 209.
100 Ibid p 209.
101 Ibid pp 293-4.
102 Ibid p 226; a statement, apparently from Grindal, to the elders of the Dutch church, 1 July 1561, Hessels, 2, pp 152-3.
103 Van Haemstede to Acontius, 14 June 1561; ibid pp 165-8.
104 Kerkeraads-Protocollen p 331.
105 Ibid p 332.
106 Ibid p 334.
107 Dated 31 July 1562, Hessels, 2, pp 201-4; also printed, with translation, in [The Remains of Archbishop] Grindal, [ed Nicholson, W.], PS (1843) pp 441–5Google Scholar.
108 Carolus Utenhove to Joannes Utenhove, 4 September 1562; Hessels, 2, pp 205-7.
109 A list in BL, MS Lansdowne io no 61 fol 177 of ‘those which are of the Italian church being born in Flanders and other places under the dominion of the king of Spain’ lists fifty-seven names, of which only twelve are self-evidently Italian.
110 BL, MS Add 48096 contains the minutes of the Italian church. The earliest surviving ‘Livre de Coetus’ runs from 1575 to 1598, library of the French protestant church, Soho Square.
111 Des Gallars to Calvin, 25 January 1561; Calvin, Opera, 18, no 3327, cols 340-2.
112 Denis p 63.
113 Hauben p xii.
114 The fundamental account of this circle and of the divergent careers of its members is in the work of Boehmer, [Edward], [Bibliotheca Wiffeniana. Spanish Reformers of Two Centuries from 1520], ‘According to the late Benjamin B. Wiffen’s plan and with the use of his materials’, 2, 3 (Strasbourg/London 1883, 1904)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The account which follows is drawn from Boehmer, making use of Hauben and Kinder.
115 Wilson, E. M. in CHB, 2 (1963) pp 127–8Google Scholar.
116 CalSP, Spanish, 1558-1567, no 170, p 247.
117 Grindal’s copy, endorsed (possibly in 1578) ‘De causa Cassiodori Hispani, Confessio Hispánica’, in Lambeth Palace Library, MS 2002, fols 31v-48v.
118 Actes du consistoire pp xx, 13.
119 BL, MS Lansdowne II, no 67, fol 150; printed Boehmer, 3, pp 89-91.
120 The depositions of Casiodoro’s accuser Balthasar Sanchez and his own protestation survive in the archives of the French church in Frankfurt, Boehmer, 3, p 30 n; 2, pp 220-1. A deposition from the London enquiry of 1564 is in Hessels, 3, pp 35-6. See Kinder esp p 27.
121 Ibid pp 29-31, and appendix.
122 Des Gallars to Utenhove, 25 March (1564); Hessels, 2, pp 236-7.
123 The charge may have had its origin in Casiodoro’s dependence upon Servetus, or on a rabbinical source which he shared with Servetus, for certain marginal notes on the old testament. Casiodorus himself suggested as much in writing to Beza, Theodore, 1 March 1566, Correspondance de Théodore de Bèze, 7 (1566)Google Scholar, ed Maylou, H. and others, Travaux d’humanisme et renaissance, 136 (Geneva 1973) no 453, pp 48–9Google Scholar.
124 Kinder p 19.
125 Bcza to Corro in Epistola LIX of Epistolarum [theologicarum Theodorii Bezae Vezelii liber unus, secundo editio] (Geneva 1575) pp 248-61. See also Beza to Jean Cousin, 14 February 1571; Hessels, 2, pp 370-6.
126 Boehmer, 2, p 172.1 am grateful to the assistant librarian of the Queen’s College for helping me to trace Grindal’s copy of the Bear bible.
127 Schickler, 1, pp 231-5.
128 Schickler (1, p 169 n 1) prints the relevant sections of the fateful letter, with bibliographical details of the extant copies. The text is also printed in Boehmer, 3, pp 79-81.
129 In Epistola LIX; Epistolae p 253.
130 Hessels, 3, p 32.
131 Boehmer, 3, p 40.
132 Kingdon, Geneva and the French Protestant Movement, pp 86-8.
133 Boehmer, 3, pp 14-17.
134 A version of this Epistle or goalie admonition was published in London in 1569. See above n 6.
135 Grindal pp 313-14. The French version is printed by Schickler from a copy in Geneva, Schickler, 3, pp 73-4.
136 Boehmer, 3, pp 30-6.
137 Ibid p 32. What Cousin actually said was: ‘The fox did not wish what he could not reach.’
138 Ibid pp 32-9, 89-91. Grindal to Cousin, 18 July 1567; Hessels, 2, pp 271-3.
139 Boehmer, 3, pp 36-9, 89-91.
140 Ibid p 39; Hauben pp 36-40.
141 Boehmer, 3, pp 41, 91.
142 Corro to Parker, 16 January 1569; Correspondence of Matthew Parker, ed Perowne, T. T., PS (1853) pp 339–40Google Scholar.
143 ‘Une remonstrance a Mr Levesque touchant le libelle d’Anth. Corran.’ (so endorsed by Cousin); Hessels, 3, pp 81-2.
144 Articles of the French church against Corro, 28 November 1568; Hessels, 3, pp 62-72.
145 Sentence printed from a Genevan source by Schickler, 3, pp 84-5.
146 Beza to Cousin, 11 March 1569, Epistola LVII, in Hessels, 2, pp 308-10; Schickler, 1, p 172, n 2.
147 Epistolae pp 248-61.
148 Grindal to Cecil, 20 September 1569; Grindal pp 309-12.
149 Grindal to Cousin, 7 November 1569, Hessels, 2, pp 328-9; Cousin to Grindal, 12 November 1569, ibid p 331; consistory to Grindal, 22 November 1569, ibid, 3, pp. 95-8. Hauben (p 49) finds it ‘mysterious’ that Grindal sat on Corro’s ‘semi-apology’ for two months. But it is likely that Grindal and his staff complied with the plague orders made in the city in 1563, Corporation of London Record Office, JOR 18, fols 123v, 136, 139, 154, 184, 189v-90.
150 One copy of the printed text extant in Cambridge University Library. Printed from a MS copy by Hessels, 3, pp 75-80.
151 Boehmer, 3, pp 47-8; Hauben p 49.
152 Grindal pp 309-12.
153 Details in the MS minutes of the consistory of the Italian church, which record a bitter dispute between Corro and his Calvinist compatriot Cypriano de Valera, BL, MS Add 48096, no 2, fols 21-31v.
154 Boehmer, 3, pp 49-62, 114-19; Hauben pp 50-6.
155 Fisher, R. M., ‘The Origins of Divinity Lectureships at the Inns of Court, 1569-1585’, JEH, 29 (1978) pp 150–1Google Scholar. See Corro’s letter to the earl of Huntingdon, 18 January 1571, and critical notes on the letter, Hessels, 3, pp 129-36.
156 Pierre Loiseleur, seigneur de Villiers, present in London from 1572 and a successor to Cousin, who died in 1574. Details in Boehmer, 3, pp 63-72, Hauben pp 59-62.
157 Corro’s intellectual progress and its significance for English Arminianism are discussed in McFadden and in the unpublished Oxford DPhil thesis by Tyacke, N.R.N., ‘Arminianism in England in Religion and Politics from 1604 to 1648’ (1969) pp 83–8Google Scholar.
158 Boehmer, 3, p 74.
159 Aconrius to Grindal, 1564, Hessels, 2, pp 224-34. The letter has been printed more recently in Koehler’s edition of Stratagematum Satanae, pp 235-42. For the circumstances see Actes du consistoire pp xxiv, 108-9, 115.
160 ‘Sed illud satis mirati non possum. Cum peregrinis Ecclesiis peregrinus communicare non permittor. Anglicae non permittunt solum; sed etiam, nisi sponte accessero, invitant, et cogunt, neque id faciunt solum cum mei similibus: sed cum plurimis a sincero Evangelii doctrina dissidentibus non uno in puncto, sed propemodum in omnibus.’