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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
The concept of Jewish serfdom has always figured prominently in interpretations of the medieval Jewish European past. It has seemed at once to hold the key to the understanding of Jewish status at both civil and ecclesiastical law and to mark in an especially dramatic way the degraded position (to some historians, a legal condition of rightlessness) forced on Jews in the period that witnessed a marked deterioration in their position in Christendom. ‘Crucial for an understanding of the entire Jewish position in the medieval world’, Salo Baron has written, summarizing a long-established interpretation, ‘is the institution of “Jewish serfdom”.’ And Gavin Langmuir sees the concept as dominating present historiography about the legal status of medieval Jews. This dominance, however, he has challenged: ‘To speak of Jews as royal serfs or “serfs” only obscures legal realities… Neither Jewish status in canon law nor Jewish status in secular law are accurately described as Jewish serfdom.’
1 Baron, Salo W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 2nd edn, 11 (New York, 1965), p. 4Google Scholar. Among recent historians, it is Baron who has written most fully on this subject: Social and Religious History, 9, pp. 13 5-92; 11, pp. 3-76; ‘Medieval Nationalism and Jewish Serfdom’, in Ben-Horien, Meir, ed., Studies and Essays in Honor of A. A. Newman (Leiden, 1962), pp. 17–48Google Scholar; ‘Plenitude of apostolic power and medieval “Jewish serfdom”’, in Feldman, Leon A., ed., Ancient and Medieval Jewish History. Essays (New Brunswick, 1972), pp. 284–307, 525–33.Google Scholar
2 Langmuir, Gavin I., ‘Tanquam servi: the change in Jewish status in French law about 1200’, in Yardeni, Myriam, ed., Les Juifs dans l’histoire de France (Leiden, 1980), pp. 24–54, at p. 54.Google Scholar
3 Baron, , ‘Medieval nationalism’, p. 47.Google Scholar
4 Baron, , Social and Religious History, 11, p.135.Google Scholar
5 The introduction of the word servi is to be attributed to Frederick II, ‘universi Alemannie servi camere nostre’: Aronius, J., Regaten zur Geschichte der Juden im frankischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1373 (Berlin, 1902, repr. Hildesheim, 1970), no. 495Google Scholar. But the link with the imperial treasury, without the use of the word servi, had been made by Henry IV, ‘ad cameram nostrani attineant’: ibid, no. 170 and by Frederick I, ‘qui spedali praerogativa dignitatis nostrae ad imperialem cameram dinoscuntur perrinere’: ibid., no. 314. Whence, in most explicit wording by Rudolph I: ‘Cum universi et singuli Judei, utpote camere nostre servi cum personis et rebus suis omnibus specialiter nobis attineant.. .’:MGH. Const, III, nos 388-9. Cf. Kisch, Guido, The Jews in Medieval Germany. A Study of their Legal and Social Status (Chicago, 1949), pp. 129–44.Google Scholar
6 Aronius, , Regaten no. 770, p. 328.Google Scholar
7 Historians have handled the ambiguity differendy. Among the more influential writers: Deutsch, Gotthard, The Jewish Encyclopedia, 7, p. 431, s.v. Kammerknechtschaft, did not offer a translation; Grayzel, Solomon, The Church and the Jews in the Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1933). PP. 348, 351Google Scholar, wrote first of servi camere ‘becoming imperial “slaves”’, before finally deciding their position was ‘closer to serf status than any other’. Cecil Roth in Encyclopedia Judaica, 14, col. 1188, s.v. Servi camerae regis, translated as ‘servants of the royal chamber’.
8 For the Spanish evidence, Baron, ‘Medieval Nationalism’, pp. 26-9.
9 Rigord, ed. Delaborde, H., Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, 1 (Paris, 1882), p. 28Google Scholar: ‘Quo audito perfidi Judei, quidam ex ipsis regenerati ex aqua et Spiritu sancto, conversi sunt ad Dominum, perseverantes in fide Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quibus rex intuitu Christiane religionis omnes possessiones eorum in integrum restituit, et perpetue libertad eos donavit.’
10 Chazan, R., Medieval Jewry in Northern France: a Political and Social History (Baltimore and London, 1973), p. 139.Google Scholar
11 Nahon, G., ‘Les Juifs dans les domaines d’Alfonse de Poitiers, 1241-71’, Revue des études juives, 125 (1966), pp. 167–211Google Scholar, at p. 181. His italics.
12 Langmuir, ‘Tanquam servi’, p.48.
13 Jordan’s, W. C. important study The French Monarchy and the Jews. From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), p. 133CrossRefGoogle Scholar, makes only fleeting reference to Jewish serfdom.
14 Langmuir, ‘Tanquam servi’, p. 37.
15 Pollock, F. and Maitland, F. W., The History of English Law before the Time of Edward 1, 2nd edn reissued (Cambridge, 1968), 1, p. 472.Google Scholar
16 Pollock and Maitland, History, 1, p. 415.
17 Pollock and Maitland, History, 1, pp. 418, 429, 430, 472. On the relativity of villeinage, see now Hyams, P., Kings, Lords and Peasants in Medieval England: the Common Law of Villeinage in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Oxford, 1980), pp. 89—124Google Scholar: cf. p. 126: ‘The author of the De legibus considered the lord’s rights over his villein absolute against all other individuals, but, where necessary, subordinated by law to the public interest’
18 Pollock and Maitland, History, 1, p. 468. Maitland used the 1569 edition of Bracton; this text does not appear in the Woodbine edition of Bracton.
19 Ibid., p. 471.
20 CPR, 1266-72, p. 450.
21 Pollock and Maitland, History, 1, p. 472.
22 Richardson, H. G. and Sayles, G. O., ‘The early statutes’, LQR, 50 (1934), p. 218Google Scholar: see p. 220 for the title and date of the statute. Text, with translation, Statutes of the Realm, ed. Luders, A. et al., 11 vols, Record Commission (London, 1810-26), 1, pp. 221–3Google Scholar; amended translation, Rothwell, H., ed., EHD, 3 (1975), pp. 411–12.Google Scholar
23 Ed. Rigg, J. M., Select Pleas, Starrs, ana other Records from theRollsofthe Exchequer of the Jews 1220-1284 = Selden Society, 15 (1902), p.85.Google Scholar
24 Richardson, H. G., The English Jewry under the Angevin Kings (London, 1960), pp. 114–20.Google Scholar
25 Bracton, De legibus et consuetudinibus Anglie, ed. Twiss, T., 6 vols, RS (1873-8), 6, p. 150Google Scholar: ‘Judaeus vero nihil proprium habere potest, quia quicquid acquirit non sibi acquirit sed regi, quia non vivunt sibi ipsis sed aliis, et sic aliis acquirunt et non sibi ipsis.’ Attributed to Bracton by Twiss, but eliminated from the Woodbine edn.
26 Ed. Sayles, G. O., Select Cases in the Court of King’s Bench under Edward I, 3 = Selden Society, 58 (1939). P. cxiv.Google Scholar
27 1233 Statute: ‘Nullus Iudeus remaneat in regno nostro nisi talis sit quod regi possit servire et bonos plegios inveniat de fidelitate. Alii vero Judei, qui nichil habent unde regi serviant, exeant de regno…’. Text published, Richardson, English Jewry, p. 294; 1253 ‘Mandaram regis justiciariis ad custodiam Judeorum assignatis…’, Rigg, Select Pleas, p. xlviii.
28 Kisch, , Jews in Medieval Germany, p. 148.Google Scholar
29 Stat. Realm, 1, p. 222: ‘E por ceo Seinte Eglise velt e seoffre kil vivent e seient gardez le Rey les prent en sa protection e lor doune sa pes.’
30 Lateran IV, c. 67, COD, pp. 265-6: ‘Ac eadem poena Iudaeos decernimus compellendos ad satisfaciendum ecclesiis pro decimis et oblarionibus debiris, quas a christianis de domibus et possessionibus aliis percipere consueverant, antequam ad Iudaeos quocumque titulo devenissent, ut sic ecclesiae conserventur indemnes.’
31 Councih and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, II 1205-1313, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, C. R., (Oxford, 1964), pp. 120–1Google Scholar: ‘… prohibemus ne de novo construam synagogas, et ut super decimis et oblarionibus ad interesse teneantur ecclesiis in quarum parochiis commorantur.’
32 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. xlviii: ‘Et quod quilibet Judeus respondeat rectori ecclesie, in cuius parochia manent, de omnibus parochialibus ad domum ipsius Judei spectantibus.’
33 Pollock and Maidand, History, 1, p. 473.
34 Richardson, English Jewry, p. 178.
35 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. xlviii: ‘Et quod quilibet Judeus ferat in pectore suo manifestam tabulam.’
36 Lateran IV, c. 69, COD, p. 266.
37 Stat. Realm, p. 221a: ‘E le rey grame kil vivent de marchaundise leaus e par lor labor e kil communient ove les Chrestiens por leuement marchaunder en vendaunt e en echataunt. Mes ke par cest encheson ne por autre nul Crestieu ne seit cochaunt ne levaunt entre eus.’
38 Cf. Watt, J. A., ‘The English Episcopate, the State and the Jews: the evidence of the thirteenth-century conciliar decrees’ in Cross, P. and Lloyd, S., eds, Thirteenth Century England, 2 (Wood-bridge, 1988), pp. 137–47Google Scholar at pp. 138-9.
39 Thomae de Chobham, Summa confessorum, ed. Broomfield, F. (Louvain and Paris, 1968), p. 252Google Scholar: ‘Unde mirum videtur quare non possumus comedere cum iudeis sed cum paganis. Quod tamen ideo factum est quia iudei periti sunt in lege secundum literam, unde facilius possent corrompere simplices christianos quam pagani.’ Cf. Glossa ordinaria ad Decrelum, 28. q. 1. c. Iudei, s.v. infidelitatis: ‘Iudei vero difficiliores sunt ad conuertendum, et peririores ad subuertendum, quam gentiles: quia legem habent et prophetas,’
40 Roth, C., A History of the Jews in England, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1978), p. 69.Google Scholar
41 Perceptive analysis of papal attitudes, Stow, K. R., ‘Papal and royal attitudes toward Jewish lending in the thirteenth century’, Association for Jewish Studies Review, 6 (1981), pp. 161–84Google Scholar at pp. 162-74.
42 Baldwin, J. W., Masters, Princes and Merchants. The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and his Circle (Princeton, 1970), 1, p. 299.Google Scholar
43 Ed. Laurière, E. J., Ordonnances des rois de France, 1 (Paris, 1723), p. 75Google Scholar. Nahon, G., ‘Les ordonnances de S. Louis sur les Juifs’, Les nouveaux cahiers, 6, pt 23 (1970), pp. 18–35Google Scholar; Chazan, , Northern French Jewry, pp. 121–4Google Scholar; Jordan, , French Monarchy, pp. 135–6Google Scholar, 148.
44 Robert of Flamborough, Canon-penitentiary of Saint-Victor al Paris, ‘Liber Poenilentialis’, ed. Firth, J.J. F. (Toronto, 1951), §§ 205,207, pp. 184–5Google Scholar: ‘Ecce aliquis a Judaeo per usuramhabuit decern libras; quaesivit in confessione cui redderet illas decern libras. Dixi quod praesente judaeo distribueret eas pauperibus, quia judaeus eas per usuram rapuerat. Hoc ideo dixi ut constaret judaeo quod reddendae essent usurae et quod ci non essent reddendae quia eas rapuerat. Si autem scivissem aliquam personam quam judaeus per usuram damnificasset, ei ferissem restitui.
Si aliquid habuisti a judaeo vel fure vel praedone vel raptore vel foeneratore vel simoniaco, redde. Immo plus dico: si aliquid habuisti ex empto vel dono ajudaeo vel alio foeneratore vel aliis similibus quos superi us enumeravi, non potes illud retinere; de illicite acquisi tis, dico.’
45 Stimma confessowm, p. 510: ‘Unde minim est quod ecclesia sustinet quod principes impune convertunt in usus suos pecuniam iudeoram, cum iudei nihil habeant nisi ex usura, etita tales principes sunt omnes participes usurarum et usurarli. Sed non punit eos ecclesia propter potestatem eorum, unde non excusantur apud Deum. Dicunt tamen principes quod quia ipsi defendunt subditos suos contra iudeos et alios qui eos expellerent a terra si possent, ideo possunt licite acci pere tantam pecuniam de bonis eorum.’
46 Ed. Luard, H. R., Epistolae, RS, 25 (1861), Ep. 5, pp. 33–7Google Scholar. Southern, R. W., The Growth of an English Mini in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1986), pp. 246–7.Google Scholar
47 Ep. 5, pp. 33-4: ‘Intimatum namque est mihi, quod Judaeos, quos dominus Leicestriensis de municipio suo expulit, ne Christianos in eodem manentes amplius usuris immisericorditer opprimerent, vestra disposuit excellentia super terram vestram recolligere. Quod si disponitis, qualiter a chrisrianis principibus recolligi debeant et tueri, prius diligentes attendatisi’
48 Cf. Philippidos,6, lines 580-6, ed. Delaborde, Oeuvres de Rigord, 1, p. 174: ‘Sic et Judeus statuit crucifigere Christum/Consilio Cayphe, metuens amittere gentem/Atque locum. Sed eo crucifixo, perdidit omne/Perdere quod metuit, translatus in extera regna/Servirioque datus, quem Vespasianus in omnes/Dispersit ventos privätum regis honore/Atque sacerdotis…’.
49 Ep. 5, p. 34: ‘Propter peccatum homicidii, quo mundi Salvatorem, Dominum nostrumjesum Christum affigendo cruci, crudeliter occiderunt, ne per eius saluberrimam praedicationem locum perderem et gentem, per Titum et Vespasianum locum infeliciter amiserunt, et ipsi captivi ta ti, et per omnes regiones et nationes captivi dispersi sunt, nee ante ultima mundi tempora ad libertatem redibunt. in ultimis vero temporibus, cum plenitudo gentium, sicut scriptum est, intraverit, videlicet ad fidem, tunc omnis Israel, id est, populus Judaeorum, per eandem Chrisri fidem salvus fiet (Rom. 11. 25-6), et ad veram libertatem de captivitate redibit.’
50 Ibid.: ‘Interim autem dum idem populus Judaeorum in infidelitate permanens Chrisri mundi Salvatorem blasphemat, et eius passionem subsannat, sub mundi principibus in iustam poenam peccati sui tenebitur captivus. Debentque principes qui eos tenent captivos, ne occidantur defendere, et insimul, ne Chrisoanos usuris opprimant, severissime prohibere; et ut de licitis manuum suarum laboribus victum sibi acquirant, providere.’
51 Cf. Dahan, G., ‘L’exégese de l’histoire de Cain et Abel du XIIe au XIVe siècle en Occident’, RThAM, 49 (1982), pp. 21–89Google Scholar; 50 (1983), pp. 5-68.
52 Ep. 5, p. 35: ‘Secundum hanc itaque Domini praelocurionem (Gen. 4. 11-14) maledictus est populus ille dum perstat in infidelitate et blasphemia: non solum maledkrione culpae, sed etiam maledictione poenae; et justae poenae inflicrio est ut terram laboriose operetur, quae etsi ex operatione illius populi frucrificet, non tamen fert illi fructus suos (cf. Gen. 4.12), sed principibus sub quibus caprivatur.’
53 Enarr. inPs.LVIII, 5.1, 21, CChrSL, 39 (1956), p.744. Peter the Venerable, Advenus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiam, ed. Yvonne Friedmann, CChr.CM, 58 (1985), p. 141, had phrased it with characteristic harshness: ‘… quis conrinet manus nostrorum a sanguine uestro, nisi praeceptum illius qui nos abiecit et nos elegit, Dei dicentis per prophetam uestrum: Ne occidas eos? Vult enim servati uos, non ad honorem, sed ad obprobrium, non ad uestrum commodum, sed ad mundi spectaculum, vult servati nos ut fratricidam Cain.’
54 Ed. Simonsohn, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews. Documents: 492-1404 (Toronto, 1988), no. 71, p. 74Google Scholar: ‘Consriturio pro Iudaeis. Licet perfidia iudeorum sit mulripliciter improbanda, quia tamen per eos fides nostra veraciter comprobatur, non sunt a fidelibus graviter opprimendo dicente proprieta: ne occideris eos ne quando obliviscantur legis tue, ac si diceretur appertius, ne deleveris omnino ludeos, ne forte Christiani legis tue valeant oblivisci, quam ipsi non intelligentes, in libris suis intelligentibus representant.’
55 The full text of the passage Grosseteste referred to reads:‘Disperge eos in virtute tua. Iam factum est: per omnes gentes dispersi sunt Iudaei, testes iniquitatis suae et veritaris nostrae. Ipsi habent codices, de quibus prophetatus est Christus, et nos tenemus Christum. Et si quando forte aliquis paganus dubitauerit, cum ei dixerimus propherias de Christo, quarum evidenriam obstupescit, et admirans putauerit a nobis esse conscriptas; de codicibus Iudeaeorum probamus quia hoc tanto anto praedictum est Videte quemadmodum de inimicis nostris alios confundimus inimicos’: Enarr. in Ps.LXVIII, 5.1,22. CChrSL, 39, p. 744.
56 De civitate Dei, XVIII, 46, CChr.SL, 48, p. 645. ‘Ideo parum fuit, ut diceret: Ne occideris eos, ne quando obliuiscantur legem tuam, nisi adderet edam: Disperge eos;, quoniam si cum isto testimonio scripturarum in sua tantummodo terra, non ubique essent, prefecto ecclesia, quae ubique est, eos prophetiarum, quae de Christo praemissae sunt, testes in omnibus gentibus habere non posset’
57 Bernardi, S. Opera, ed.Leclercq, J. and Rochais, H.M., 8, Epislolae (Rome, 1977).ep. 363, p. 316Google Scholar: ‘Non sunt persequendi Iudaei, non sunt trucidandi, sed nee effugandi quidem. Interrogate eos qui divinas paginas norunt, quid in Psalmo legerint proprietatum de Iudaeis: Deus, inquit ecclesia, ostendit mihi super inimicos meos ne occidas eos, nequando obliviscantur populi mei. Vivi quidam apices nobis sunt, repraesantes iugiter Dominicain passionem. Propter hoc et in omnes dispersi sunt regiones, ut dum iustas tanti facinoris poenas luunt ubique, testes sint nostrae redemptionis. Unde et addit in eodem Psalmo loquens Ecclesia: Disperge illos in virtute tua et depone eos, protector meus Domine. Ita factum est: dispersi sunt, depositi sunt; duram captivitatem sub principibus christianis.’
58 Ymagines Hisloriarum, RS (1876), 2, p. 76: ‘Necem Judaeorum tam funestam, tarn exirialem, viris prudenribus placuisse credendum non est, cum Daviticum illud auribus nostris frequenter occurrat, “Ne occidas eos”.’
59 Historia rerum Anglicarum, RS (1884-5), PP. 316-17: ‘Par omnes zelus accenderat, arbitrantes grande se obsequium praestare Deo, si gentem Christo rebellem abraderent; dum ad illud Davidicum, immo Dominicum, quod urique in persona Salvatoris dicitur, caecato animo caligarent: “Deus ostendit mihi super inimicos meos; ne occidas eos, nequando obliviscantur populi mei”. Quippe eadem Chrisrianae urilitaris ratione perfidus Judaeus, Domini Chrisri crucifixor, inter Christianos vivere sinitur, qua et forma crucis Dominicae in Chrisri ecclesia pingitur, ad condnuandam scilicet cuncris fidelibus saluberriman Dominicae passionis memoriam, cum tamen in Judaeo impiam execremur aedonem, in sacra vero forma illa divinarli devorione debita veneremur dignationem: itaque Judaei inter Christianos debent quidem pro utilitate nostra vivere, sed pro sua iniquitate servire.’
60 Liber confessorum, p. 434: ‘de (iudeis) scriptum est: ne occidas eos ne quando obliviscantur populi mei. Si volunt esse sub iugo servituds nostre in pace, neque fidem nostram neque nos impugnare, susdnendi sunt inter nos et deputandi ad aliqua sordida officia, ne possum se extollere super christianos. Verumtamen ideo ita susdnentur precipue iudei quia capsarii nostri sunt et portant testimonium legis contra se pro nobis.’ The Augusrinian influence is clear: Augusdne, Enarr. in Ps. XL, 14, CChr.SL, 38, p. 459: ‘Maiorsoviet minori (Gen. 25.23) modo impletum est: modo, fra tres, nobis serviunt Iudaei, tanquam capsarii nostri sunt, studendbus nobis codices portant’ The Oxford Latin Dictionary translates capsarius as ‘a slave who carried a boy’s book case’. Peter of Blois had a version of his own, Contra perfidiam Judaeorum, PL 207, col. 825: ‘Ideo et edam Judeis vita hodie indulgerur, quia capsarii nostri sunt, dum ad asserdonem nostrae fidei prophetas circumferunt, et legem Mosaicam. Nee solum in eorum codicibus, sed in vulribus eorum Chrisri legimus passionem.’
61 Ep. 5, pp. 35-6: ‘Habent igitur Judaei ex misericordia Domini, in gloriam Chrisrianorum, ut non occidantur, et habent ex Dei iustitia, ut per diversas nationes, vagi et profugi dispergantur, et sub principibus capriventur, teram laboriose operentur, in principum utiliutem, et suae infelicis vitae qualemcunque sustentationem.’
62 Ibid., p. 36 ‘Non itaque a Chrisrianis principibus foveri debent Judaei, ut Christianos usuris opprimant, et de usuris in deliciis et odo vivant, qui ex Domini sentencia poenae laboris addica sunt… Sciant itaque principes qui eos fovent vel eis favent in usuris a Chrisrianis, se esse reos peccati eorum, et sic futuros participes poenae eorum. Quia sicut dicit beatus Paulus: Non solum qui talia agunt, sed agentibus consentimi, morie digno sunt. (Rom. 1.32) Et sicut dicunt saneó expositores omnes, reputan tur consenáentes, qui cum possine impedire, et non impediunt’
63 Isa. 1. 15:9.5.
64 Baron, , Social and Religious History, 11, p. 20.Google Scholar
