Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-thh2z Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-15T00:05:23.090Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Ghosts and Ghostbusters in the Middle Ages

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

R. N. Swanson*
Affiliation:
University of Birmingham

Extract

The dead are the silent majority in the Church’s history – as they are, indeed, in humanity’s. The life after death is a matter of faith and conjecture more than tried and tested certainty, predicated on a soul which survives the death of the body. That raises issues about the nature and structure of the afterlife, its pains and delights. For the late medieval Church, the afterlife raised particular concerns and anxieties, its complex division into heaven, hell, and purgatory promising a future which had to be planned for. Strategies for eternity were a major force in religious practice, with death as the threshold to something unknown until experienced.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Guiance, A., Los discursos sobre la muerte en la Castilla medieval (siglos VI-XV) (Valladolid, 1998), 381.Google Scholar

2 Finucane, R. C., Appearances of the Dead: A Cultural History of Ghosts (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Schmitt, J. – C., Ghosts in the Middle Ages: The Living and the Dead in Medieval Society (Chicago, IL, and London, 1998)Google Scholar. Abbreviated translations of several tales are in Joynes, A., ed., Medieval Ghost Stories: an Anthology of Miracles, Marvels, and Prodigies (Woodbridge, 2001).Google Scholar

3 McLaughlin, M., ‘On Communion with the Dead’, JMedH 17 (1991), 2334.Google Scholar

4 Ibid. 32, 31.

5 Schmitt, J.-C., ‘Préface’, in Gobi, Jean, Dialogue avec un fantôme, ed. Beaulieu, M.-A. Polo de (Paris, 1994)Google Scholar [hereafter: ‘Gobi’], ix.

6 On the hunt in general, see Lecouteux, C., Chasses fantastiques et cohortes de la nuit au moyen âge (Paris, 1999).Google Scholar

7 Caciola, N., Discerning Spirits: Demons and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, and London, 2003).Google Scholar

8 Banks, S. E. and Binns, J. W., eds, Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia: Recreation for an Emperor (Oxford, 2002)Google Scholar [hereafter ‘Gervase’], 762–65 (later discussion clarifies the status of these guardian angels: ibid. 776–81).

9 Cf. Adams, G. W., Visions in Late Medieval England: Lay Spirituality and Sacred Glimpses of the Hidden Worlds of Faith, Studies in the History of Christian Traditions 130 (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which treats ghosts in ch. 1.

10 Below, 164.

11 Caciola, N., ‘Spirits seeking Bodies: Death, Possession and Communal Memory in the Middle Ages’, in Gordon, B. and Marshall, P., eds, The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2000), 6686, at 69 Google Scholar, with discussion to 73; Nider, Johannes, Formicarium, ed. Colvenerius, G. (Douai, 1602), 18182.Google Scholar

12 Caciola, , ‘Spirits seeking Bodies’, 6970.Google Scholar

13 Ibid. 78–81. James of Clusa denied that a good spirit, already certain of its ultimate fate – ‘certus de sua predestinatione’ – would ever invade another body: Clusa, Jacobus de, Tractatus optimus de animabus exeuntis a corporibus (Leipzig, 1497)Google Scholar [hereafter ‘Clusa’], sig. Bivv.

14 Gervase, 759–85. The ghost said she could only serve as a conduit while she remained a virgin: ibid. 768–69.

15 Clusa, sig. Bivv.

16 Schmitt does include them in his analysis. One of the most vivid is the lengthy conversational encounter reported in Harley, M. P., A Revelation of Purgatory by an Unknown Fifteenth-Century Woman Visionary: Introduction, Critical Text, and Translation (Lewiston, NY, and Queenston, Ont., 1985), 6065, 7884 Google Scholar (trans, at 113–19. 132—38).

17 His human form is described as looking ‘like one of the dead kings in pictures’ (‘ad instar vnius regis mortui depicti’), possibly looking like an image from the series of the Three Living and the Three Dead: James, M. R., ‘Twelve medieval Ghost-Stories’, EHR 37 (1922), 41322, at 417 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the earlier forms, see ibid. 415, 417. These tales are translated, with further commentary, in Grant, A. J., ‘Twelve Medieval Ghost Stories’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 27 (1924), 36379 Google Scholar; also incompletely in joynes, , Medieval Ghost Stories, 12025.Google Scholar

18 Gobi, 52–53, 58, 72, 74–75, 103–04 (cf. ibid. 40–42).

19 Chibnall, M., ed., The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, Volume IV, Books VII and VIII, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1973), 23649, esp. 24649.Google Scholar

20 Finucane, , Appearances, 84.Google Scholar

21 James, M. R., ed. (rev. Brooke, C. N. L. and Mynors, R. A. B.), Walter Map: De nugis curialium; Courtiers’ Trifles (Oxford, 1983), 161, 20207, 345.Google Scholar

22 Philpott, M., ‘Haunting the Middle Ages’, in Sullivan, C. and White, B., eds, Writing and Fantasy (London and New York, 1999), 4861, at 50, 55.Google Scholar

23 Gobi, 166; Seelmann, W., ‘Arnt Buschmans Mirakel’, Jahrbuch des Vereins für niederdeutsche Sprachforschung 6 (1880), 3267, at 3537.Google Scholar

24 See, for example, the exempla extracted from Jean Gobi’s Scala coeli in Gobi, 123–49. Sermons for All Souls often give a string of such tales: Voragine, Jacobus de, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, trans. Ryan, W. G., 2 vols (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 2: 28090 Google Scholar; Erbe, T., ed., Mirk’s Festial: a Collection of Homilies by Johannes Mirkus (John Mirk), EETS es 96 (1905), 26971.Google Scholar

25 Finucane, , Appearances, 86.Google Scholar

26 Lecouteux, G., Fantômes et revenants au moyen âge (Paris, 1986), 222 Google Scholar: ‘instruit les vivants en se servant des morts’.

27 See comments in Caciola, N., ‘Wraiths, Revenants and Ritual in Medieval Culture’, P&P no. 152 (August 1996), 345, at 56.Google Scholar

28 Marshall, P., Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England (Oxford, 2002), 16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 Guiance, , Discorsos, 41213.Google Scholar

30 Schmitt, , Ghosts, 7981 Google Scholar; quotations at 79.

31 Above, 147.

32 Gurevich, A., Historical Anthropology of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1992), 216 n. 15.Google Scholar

33 Lecouteux, Fantômes, deals almost exclusively with Scandinavian and Icelandic material, with no solid analysis of how ghosts were integrated into post-conversion mentalities. (I could not consult the 2nd edn, published in 1996.)

34 Others may not yet have been highlighted or noticed.

35 One of the few instances is in Bannister, A. T., ‘Visitation Returns of the Diocese of Hereford in 1397’, EHR 44 (1929), 446.Google Scholar

36 PL 40: 779–832, at 799–800.

37 Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae, XII: 1a, 84–89 (London and New York, n. d.), 16061, 16465.Google Scholar

38 Priscilla Heath Barnum, ed., Dives and Pauper, 2 vols in 3, EETS os 275, 280, 323 (1976–2004), 1/i: 169–70. See also, in this volume, Rider, Catherine, ‘Agreements to Return from the Afterlife in Late Medieval Exempla ’, 17483.Google Scholar

39 Barnum, ed., Dives and Pauper, 1/i: 160–61.

40 Ibid, 1/i: 171–72.

41 Clusa. See also Thorndike, L., A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols (New York, 1923-58), 4: 28891 Google Scholar (for his tract on demons, see ibid. 283–88).

42 E.g. Clusa, sigs Bir-Biir.

43 Ibid, sigs Avv-Avir.

44 Ibid, sigs Biiiv-Ciir.

45 Ibid. sig. Aiir.

46 Ibid. sig. Bivr.

47 Ibid. sig. Biir. God’s control over when and where ghosts are released from purgatory is repeatedly affirmed at sigs Biv-Biiv. Clusa stipulates that the preliminaries to an interrogation should include prayers to God to cause the spirit to appear and explain itself: ibid. sig. Bivr.

48 Ibid. sig. Avr.

49 Ibid, sigs Avir-Bir.

50 Lyons, 1534 [hereafter, ‘Sibylla’]. The relevant section is fols 61r-63r.

51 Ibid. fol. 61V.

52 Ibid. fol. 61r.

53 Ibid. fol. 61r-v.

54 Ibid. fol. 61v.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid. fol. 61r.

57 Ibid. fol. 61v. Cf. Christian, W. A. Jr, Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renaissance Spain (Princeton, NJ, 1981), 193.Google Scholar

58 Sibylla, fol. 61v, also fols 75r-76v

59 Ibid. fol. 75 v.

60 Ibid. fol. 127V.

61 P. A. Sigal, ‘La possession demoniaque dans la région de Florence au XVe siècle d’après les miracles de saint Jean Gualbert’, in Histoire et société: Mélanges offerts à Georges Duby, III: Le moine, le clerc et le prince (Aix-en-Provence, 1992), 101–12, at 105–06.

62 Suggested in Caciola, , Discerning Spirits, 254.Google Scholar

63 See for example ActaSS Jul. 2, 421, and Bernardino of Siena’s comment that a spirit ‘Aliquando est diabolus loquens in persona hominis mortui et petit ut dicantur missae pro anima sua’, cited in G. Zarra, ‘Purgatorio “particolare” e ritorno dei morti tra Riforma e Controriforma: l’area italiana’, Quaderni storici 50 (August 1982), 475. Such appeals might be deceptions: see 162–63 below.

64 Petrus Madonis, Flagellum maleficorum ([?Lyons, 1491]), sig. b.2r.

65 Muessig, C., ‘Heaven, Earth and the Angels: Preaching Paradise in the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry’, in Muessig, C. and Putter, A., eds, Envisaging Heaven in the Middle Ages (London and New York, 2007), 5772, at 63.Google Scholar

66 Goff, Jacques Le, The Birth of Purgatory (London, 1984), 17781 Google Scholar; Chibnall, , Orderic, 23649 Google Scholar; Lecouteux, , Chasses fantastiques, 91101.Google Scholar

67 Lecouteux, , Fantômes, 120.Google Scholar

68 Dronke, P., ‘The Completeness of Heaven’, in Muessig, and Putter, , eds, Envisaging Heaven, 4456 Google Scholar; Watson, N., ‘Visions of Inclusion: Universal Salvation and Vernacular Theology in Pre-Reformation England’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 27(1997), 14587.Google Scholar

69 See here 152, 164–66 (esp. 166).

70 Wright, D. P., ed., The Register of Thomas Langton, Bishop of Salisbury, 1483–93, CYS 74 (1985), 70 Google Scholar; see also Arnold, J. H., Belief and Unbelief in Medieval Europe (London, 2005), 2, 22526.Google Scholar

71 This distinction is a theme of Zarra, ‘Purgatorio’, 466–97. A threefold purgatory appears in Harley, Revelation of Purgatory, 79–83,133-37.

72 See Caciola, , ‘Wraiths’, 1114.Google Scholar

73 Ibid. 13.

74 Ibid. 15–24.

75 See, for example, ibid. 15–16.

76 James, , Walter Map, 160, 34850 Google Scholar; Caciola, , ‘Wraiths’, 38.Google Scholar

77 Hewlett, R., ed., Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, 4 vols, RS (London, 1884-9), 2: 47482 Google Scholar (for the vampire, see 481–82), trans. Joynes, , Medieval Ghost Stories, 10002.Google Scholar

78 Caciola, , ‘Wraiths’, 21.Google Scholar

79 James, , Walter Map, 204.Google Scholar

80 James, , ‘Ghost-Stories’, 418.Google Scholar

81 Howlett, , ed., Chronicles, 2: 47475 Google Scholar; trans. Joynes, , Medieval Ghost Stories, 9798.Google Scholar

82 E.g. James, , ‘Ghost-Stories’, 418 Google Scholar. The priest made the ghost’s captors swear not to reveal any of the confessed sins.

83 James, , ‘Ghost-Stories’, 41920 Google Scholar; Erbe, , Mirk’s Festial, 281 Google Scholar. See also comment in Watkins, C. S., ‘Sin, Penance and Purgatory in the Anglo-Norman Realm: The Evidence of Visions and Ghost Stories’, P&P 17 (May 2002), 333, at 2324, 27 Google Scholar (esp. n. 80).

84 Had they not occurred in dreams, the conversations reported in Harley, Revelation of Purgatory, could also be included: see above, n. 16.

85 The case appears in Gervase, 759–85; see also Schmitt, , Ghosts, 8797 Google Scholar. It and the Alès manifestation (below, 159–60) are considered in Beaulieu, M.-A. Polo de, ‘De Beaucaire (1211) à Alès (1323): les revenants et leurs révélations sur l’au-delà’, in La mort et l’au-delà en France méridionale (XIIe-XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 33 (Toulouse, 1998), 31941.Google Scholar

86 Gervase, 770–71.

87 Ibid. 760–61.

88 Ibid. 762–65, 768–75.

89 Ibid. 774–75: ‘magis experto magis consentio’.

90 Schmitt, Chosts, 92.

91 Gervase, 760–63, 770–71.

92 Ibid. 778–79.

93 Ibid. 762–65.

94 Ibid. 764–67. A similar belief about the quality of the clothing worn by the dead is suggested by Duvernoy, J., ed., Le registre d’inquisition de Jacques Foumier, évêque de Pamiers (1318–1325), 3 vols (Toulouse, 1965), 1: 541.Google Scholar

95 Gervase, 772–73.

96 Ibid. 776–77.

97 Ibid. 774–77.

98 Ibid. 778–81.

99 Ibid. 768–69, 772–73.

100 Ibid. 768–69.

101 Ibid. 774–75.

102 766-67.

103 The fullest survey of the evidence currently available is in Gobi, with a French translation of the short version of events at 51–61, and of the fuller tract at 71–107. For date, see 22–23.

104 Gobi, 72–74.

105 Ibid. 75.

106 Ibid. 103.

107 Ibid. 93–94.

108 Ibid. 82–86.

109 Ibid. 98.

110 Ibid. 77.

111 Ibid. 77, 98, 104.

112 Ibid. 78–80.

113 Ibid. 81–82.

114 Ibid. 90.

115 Ibid. 86–93.

116 Ibid. 90; see also 108.

117 Ibid. 99–100.

118 Ibid. 101.

119 Ibid. 104.

120 e.g. Welter, J. T., ed., Le speculum laicorum: Édition d’une collection d’exempla composée en Angleterre à la fin du XII siècle (Paris, 1914), nos 326-27 Google Scholar (cf. no. 86, for a transfer of merits from good deeds); M. Sensi, Il perdono di Assisi (Assisi, 2002), 211–12, 214, 219, 300, 326–27. Intriguingly, indulgences are not transferred in the Middle English version of the Alès apparition, The Gast of Gy, in Horstmann, C., ed., Yorkshire Writers: Richard Rolle of Hampole and his Followers, 2 vols (London, 1895-6), 2: 292333 Google Scholar. See also Gobi, 148–49.

121 For the German text, see Seelmann, , ‘Arnt Buschmans Mirakel’, 4067 Google Scholar, listing manu scripts and incunabula editions, with brief textual consideration at 35–40. A modern French translation (based on a printed text not noted by Seelmann) is in Lecouteux, C., Dialogue avec un revenant, XVe siècle (Paris, 1999).Google Scholar

122 The text primarily relates the meetings between Arnt and his grandfather, but two other ghosts are also briefly mentioned: Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 51.Google Scholar

123 Succinctly surveyed by Boyle, L. E., ‘The Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology’, in Heffernan, T.J., ed., The Popular Literature of Medieval England, Tennessee Studies in Literature 28 (Knoxville, TN, 1985), 3043.Google Scholar

124 For weakness, see Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 55, 58, 62 Google Scholar; for reinvigoration, see ibid. 59–60.

125 Ibid. 74.

126 Ibid. 71.

127 Ibid. 79.

128 Ibid. 54.

129 Ibid. 59.

130 For the required commemorations, see ibid. 48–49.

131 Ibid. 79.

132 Ibid. 64–65.

133 Lecouteux’s translation first calls her an aunt, then a kinswoman (cousine), and finally a niece (ibid. 66–68). The German text calls her a niece throughout ( Seelmann, , ‘Arnt Buschmans Mirakel’, 5354).Google Scholar

134 Although she was also now suffering, her salvation was assured. She had engaged in magic unwittingly, and the local priest had actually authorized her to contact spirits ( Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 6768 Google Scholar). In precise contemporary terminology, necromancers ‘claim that, by means of superstitious rites, they are able to raise the dead from the earth in order to speak on occult matters’: Bailey, M. D., Battling Demons: Witchcraft, Heresy, and Reform in the Late Middle Ages (University Park, PA, 2003), 40 Google Scholar; see also Lecouteux, , Fantômes, 7679 Google Scholar. Most late medieval ‘necromancy’ had a different focus, and as a learned and clerical art it adopted the formal clerical attitude to ghosts: they could not be summoned. Learned necromancers intentionally and knowingly summoned only demons; but like the false Henry Buschman, these could appear as simulacra of the dead: Kieckhefer, R., Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar, ch. 7, esp. 152–53.

135 Is this a let-out clause for other cases where possessing spirits request similar commemorative works for dead souls? See 153 above. The ghost offers a warning against false spirits: Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 54.Google Scholar

136 Ibid. 66–67.

137 Ibid. 54.

138 Ibid. 62–63; Seelmann, , ‘Arm Buschmans Mirakel’, 51.Google Scholar

139 Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 7475.Google Scholar

140 Ibid. 82. For a Spanish woman who claimed to see her dead son as an angel when visited by the Virgin, see Christian, Apparitions, 177.

141 Lecouteux, , Dialogue, 5455.Google Scholar

142 Ibid. 83.

143 Ibid. 70–71.

144 Ibid. 71. The son later improves, partly thanks to Arm’s intervention: ibid. 72.

145 Duvernoy, , Registre, 1: 12943, 53352 Google Scholar; extracts translated in Duveinoy, J., Inquisition à Pamiers: cathares, juifs, lépreux … devant leur juges (Paris, 1966), 3439 Google Scholar. See also Ladurie, E. Le Roy, Montaillou (Harmondsworth, 1980), 34551.Google Scholar

146 Duvernoy, , Registre, 1: 136.Google Scholar

147 For one accusation that he was lying, see ibid. 1: 551.

148 Ibid. 1: 544–55.

149 Ibid. 1: 135, 534, 543. The souls kept together in groups who had known each other while alive: ibid. 1: 541.

150 Contrasting with other cases, these requests are fairly minor, e.g. three masses, or food for three paupers for one day (ibid. 1: 129, 131). See also ibid. 1: 135. If Gélis did not pass on the messages, he was beaten: ibid. 1: 136.

151 Ibid. 1: 135–56, 535, 543–44.

152 Ibid, 1: 136–37, 543.

153 Ibid. 1: 130, 134.

154 Only one ghost reports a journey through purgatorial fire, possibly as an alternative method of purification: ibid. 1: 130, 135, 542; Ladurie, Montaillou, 1: 348–49.

155 Duvernoy, , Registre, 1: 544 Google Scholar. On these women, see Lecouteux, Chassesfantastiques.

156 Duvernoy, Require, 1: 134–35, 137, 537.

157 Ibid. 1: 132, 137, 533,535, 537, 551.

158 Beaulieu, M.-A. Polo de, ‘Recueils d’exempla méridionaux et culte des âmes du purgatoire’, in La papauté d’Avignon et le Languedoc (1316–1342), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 26 (1991), 25778, at 27173.Google Scholar

159 Duvernoy, , Registre, 1: 544.Google Scholar

160 Ibid. 1: 135, 545.

161 Ibid. 1: 131–32, 540, 548

162 Ibid. I: 134, 538,541-42.

163 E.g. ibid, 1: 129–30, 133.

164 Ibid. 1: 133 (but the truly saintly will reach heaven earlier), 135, 541, 544, 551. Angels are messengers in the prelude to the move to the place of rest: ibid. 1: 543. See also 154 above.

165 Duvernoy, , Registre, 1: 551.Google Scholar

166 Ibid. 1: 131–32.

167 Ibid. 1: 133, 136. Jews, Saracens and heretics who implore divine mercy will also be saved, as will apostate Christians who return to do penance after death among Christians (ibid. 1: 136, 544; cf. 535). The souls of heretics who contemned God will be utterly annihilated (ibid. 1: 542, see also 139).

168 Ibid. 1: 138–43.

169 Above, 164.

170 Lecouteux, , Fantômes, 74 Google Scholar; see also 214.

171 Ibid. 74–75; Lecouteux, , Chasses fantastiques, 3739.Google Scholar

172 Schmitt, , Ghosts, 138.Google Scholar

173 Voragine, Jacobus de, Golden Legend, 2: 285 Google Scholar; Schmitt, , Ghosts, 138 (and n. 41).Google Scholar

174 Finucane, Appearances, 65–66.

175 Collins, A. J., ed., Manuale ad usum percelebris ecclesie Sarisburiensis, Henry Bradshaw Society 91 (1960), 157 Google Scholar. The York Manual omits this point, but has a special form of absolution for those holding appropriate papal indulgences for plenary remission: Henderson, W. G., ed., Manuale et processionale ad usum insignis ecclesia Eboracensis, Surtees Society 63 (1874), 4849, 99 Google Scholar. See also 156 above.

176 James,’Ghost-Stories’, 416.

177 Ibid. 417.

178 On necromancy, see above, 162.

179 Murray, A., Suicide in the Middle Ages, II: The Curse on Self-Murder (Oxford, 2000), 47280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

180 Above, 154.

181 However, these readings may be misinterpretations, misreadings of practices which were merely customary, or which may not actually have existed in the Middle Ages: Murray, Suicide, II: 23–28, 34, 36–53; see esp. 38, 51–52 (but cf. 479–80).

182 Gervase, 766–67.

183 See below.

184 The title of ch. 4 in Brown, P. R. L., The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago, IL, 1981).Google Scholar

185 Notable exceptions are the cases discussed in Christian, Apparitions.

186 Guiance, , Discorsos, 398404 Google Scholar. (In both cases the company includes demons, the visions being concerned with the fate of recently deceased souls which they claim.) For a spirit (a ghost?) with poltergeistic tendencies as emissary for an encounter with a saint (with resemblances to a dream vision), see Blakiston, H. E. D., ‘Two more Medieval Ghost Stories’, EHR 38 (1923), 8587, at 8687 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It is often difficult to tell whether the saints appear as waking visions, or as dreams.

187 Gervase, 692–95. The dog entered the priest’s house through closed doors, set fire to it and killed the priest’s illegitimate offspring. Lecouteux interprets this as St Simeon following his own hound, and punishing sin: Chasses fantastiques, 68–69.

188 Ginzburg, C., Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method (Baltimore, MD, and London, 1986), 616.Google Scholar

189 Christian, , Apparitions, 15979 Google Scholar (sentence at 179).

190 Hill, R., ed., The Deeds of the Franks and the Other Pilgrims to Jerusalem (Oxford, 1962), 69 Google Scholar; see also Tolan, J. V., Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York, 2002), 114 Google Scholar and refs. For allegedly similar manifestations in anti-Moorish battles in Spain, see O’Callaghan, J. F., Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia, PA, 2003), 194-99 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf., in this volume, Kostick, Conor, ‘The Afterlife of Bishop Adhémar of Le Puy’, 12029.Google Scholar

191 Ginzburg, , Clues, 8.Google Scholar

192 While the failure of exorcisms and other ceremonies is sometimes noted, why this happens is rarely considered. H. P. Broedel suggests that for James of Clusa exorcism could not affect Christian souls (The Malleus maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief (Manchester and New York, 2003), 48), but I do not find it explicit in his text: from Broedel’s reference at 63 n. 40 this may be an over-reading of Thorndike’s summary of the tract (see n. 41).

193 Gervase, 112–15.

194 Ibid. 588–91.

195 The phrase derives from Galpern, A., ‘The Legacy of Late Medieval Religion in Sixteenth-Century Champagne’, in Trinkaus, C. and Oberman, H. A., eds, The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion: Papers from the University of Michigan Conference, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Thought 10 (Leiden, 1974), 14176, at 149.Google Scholar

196 Above, 167–68.

197 Finucane, Appearances, ch. 4; Marshall, P., ‘Deceptive Appearances: Ghosts and Reformers in Elizabethan and Jacobean England’, in Parish, H. and Naphy, W. G., eds, Religion and Superstition in Reformation Europe (Manchester and New York, 2002), 188208 Google Scholar; Zarri, , ‘Purgatorio’, 48889.Google Scholar

198 Duffy, E., The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400–1580 (New Haven, CT, and London, 1992), 47475.Google Scholar

199 For continuing Anglican interest in ghosts and apparitions, see, in this volume, Handley, Sasha, ‘Apparitions and Anglicanism in 1750s Warwickshire’, 31122 Google Scholar; Byrne, Georgina, ‘“Angels Seen Today”: The Theology of Modern Spiritualism and its Impact on Church of England Clergy, 1852–1939’, 36070.Google Scholar