^{page no 41 note 1} Antonius Magnus Eremita, ed Steidle, B., SA, XXXVIII (1956) particularly pp 148–200, 229-47Google Scholar. See also Derek, Baker, ‘St Antony and Biblical Precedents for the Monastic Vocation’, Ampleforth Journal, LXXVI, 1 (York 1971) pp 6-11Google Scholar.

^{page no 41 note 2} Athanasius, St, The Life of Saint Antony, trans Meyer, R. T., ACW, X (1950)Google Scholar.

^{page no 41 note 3} Above, p 4.

^{page no 41 note 4} The lack of information about the conversion of St Evroul in the best life of the saint may be taken as representative of the whole class of literature. The biographer ‘ has little to say of Evroul’s early life, except that he came from Bayeux, was of noble birth and was brought up in the court of an unnamed Frankish king; and that in time he renounced the world, placed his wife in a nunnery, and received the tonsure’. See above, p.33.

^{page no 42 note 1} See Knowles, D., ‘The Humanism of the Twelfth Century’, repr in The Historian and Character, ed Brooke, C. N. L. and Constable, G. (Cambridge 1963) pp 16–30 Google Scholar.

^{page no 42 note 2} The biographer ‘had little concern with the portrayal of individual character, though sometimes indeed a small modification or omission in words borrowed from an earlier source will, as it were accidentally, throw light on a personal idiosyncrasy on which it was no part of the biographer’s duty to insist’, Southern, R. W., St Anselm and His Biographer (Cambridge 1963) p 320 Google Scholar. For the development of medieval biographical writing see the whole of this section. See also Stacpoole, A.’s comments on Eadmer – ‘ the first man of letters in the Middle Ages to achieve what we would now judge to be a sufficient understanding of the inner motivation of his subject for us to call his study a biography’–in his review of Memorials of Saint Anselm, ed Southern, R. W. and Schmitt, F. S. S. (London 1969) in Downside Review, LXXXVIII, no 291 (April 1970) pp 160-80Google Scholar.

^{page no 42 note 3} For example, Joinville’s Life of St Louis.

^{page no 42 note 4} See The Laws of Alfred, Intro 30; The Laws of Athelstan issued at Grately (II Athelstan) 6; Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed Robertson, A. J. (Cambridge 1939) no 37 Google Scholar.

^{page no 42 note 5} See Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus, ed Tangl, M., MGH, Epistolae Selectae, 1 (Berlin 1916, 2 ed 1955) no 50 Google Scholar. See also Derek, Baker, ‘Sowing the Seeds of Faith: Theory and Practice in the Mission Field ‘, in Miscellanae Historia Ecclesiasticae, III, ed Derek, Baker (Louvain 1970) pp 92-106Google Scholar.

^{page no 43 note 1} Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, trans Tschan, F. J., Columbia Records of Civilization, LIII (New York 1959) IIII, 39, pp 146-7Google Scholar.

^{page no 43 note 2} For a later period the instances quoted by D. M. Owen are relevant, below, pp 141-2.

^{page no 43 note 3} See particularly Pantin, W.A., The English Church in the Fourteenth Century (Cambridge 1955).Google Scholar

^{page no 43 note 4} Below, pp 55-60.

^{page no 43 note 5} Odo of Cluny, Life of St Gerald of Aurillac, PL, CXXXIII (1881) cols 639–710 Google Scholar, trans Sitwell, [G.], in [St Odo of Cluny] (London 1958) pp 90-180Google Scholar. The Life survives in two versions, one much shorter than the other. For discussion of these two versions of the text see Poncelet, A., ‘La plus ancienne Vie de S. Géraud’, An Bol, XIV (1895) PP 89-103Google Scholar.

^{page no 43 note 6} Sitwell, p 94, n 2.

^{page no 43 note 7} Probably on Friday 13 October, see Sitwell, p 165, n 2.

^{page no 43 note 8} Sitwell, 1, 1, pp 94-5. Odo named Caesarius of Arles amongst his ancestors, and com mented, ‘ He was so illustrious by the nobility of his birth that among the families of Gaul his lineage is outstanding both for its possessions and the excellence of its life ‘, ibid, p 95.

^{page no 43 note 9} Mabillon is the sole authority for this claim, see Sitwell, p 94, n 2.

^{page no 44 note 1} Sitwell, 1, 1, p 94.

^{page no 44 note 2} Ibid, 1, 6, pp 98-9.

^{page no 44 note 3} The account of his succession to his lands and responsibilities (see above, n 1 ) makes no mention of the title of count, and later in the life it is remarked that Gerald ‘ had only recently assumed the title of Count’: Sitwell, 1, 32, p 122. The latin- ‘favore comitis nuper usurpato ‘ - could bear a stronger translation. As Sitwell points out there was no count of Aurillac before or after him.

^{page no 44 note 4} Sitwell, 1, 32, p 122.

^{page no 44 note 5} It is not absolutely clear which king was Gerald’s lord. William of Aquitaine succeeded his father Bernard of Auvergne as duke in 888, and the early years of his rule were marked by considerable confusion in western Francia. In 887 the emperor Charles the Fat had died, and Odo, count of Paris, had been elected to succeed him as king in the west. The choice was not unanimous, however, and in 893 the young Charles the Simple was brought back from England by Odo’s opponents. William of Aquitaine’s opposition to Odo is well-known (see Sitwell, p 6, n 1), and in view of the continuing friendship between Gerald and William it is more likely that Gerald was the vassal of Charles the Simple than of Odo. See also Mabillon’s view, PL, CXXXIII (1880) col 707.

^{page no 44 note 6} Sitwell, 1, 5, p 97.

^{page no 44 note 7} Ibid, 1, 5, p 98, see also below.

^{page no 45 note 1} Ibid, 1, 4, p 97.

^{page no 45 note 2} Ibid, 1, 5, p 98.

^{page no 45 note 3} Ibid, 1, 6, p 98; 1, 8, p 99.

^{page no 45 note 4} Ibid, 11, 2, p 134.

^{page no 45 note 5} Bishop c 900-9.

^{page no 45 note 6} Sitwell, 11, 2, p 134.

^{page no 45 note 7} For example, the canonici and abbot of St Evroul mentioned in Charles the Simple’s diploma of 900, see above, pp 38-9. See Odo’s comments, Sitwell, II, preface, p 152.

^{page no 45 note 8} Sitwell, 1, 11, p 104.

^{page no 46 note 1} Ibid, 1, 15, p 109.

^{page no 46 note 2} See Sitwell, 1, 9, pp 101-3; 1, 34, pp 123-4.

^{page no 46 note 3} Ibid, II, 4-8, pp 136-40; III, 1, p 162; III, 3, pp 163-4. The difficulties encountered by Gerald in all aspects of his monastic foundation is one of the clearest extant indications of the state of contemporary society, ecclesiastical institutions and spiritual standards.

^{page no 46 note 4} See Sitwell, II, 10-13, PP 141-3

^{page no 46 note 5} Ibid, II, 16, p 145.

^{page no 46 note 6} For Gerald’s will, and an occasional reference to Gerald in a tenth-century chronicle of Aurillac, see the references given by Sitwell, p 136, nn 1, 2.

^{page no 46 note 7} See Odo’s preface, Sitwell, pp 91-3.

^{page no 46 note 8} 936-42.

^{page no 47 note 1} For Professor Morris’s discussion of Guibert of Nogent’s On the relics of the saints see below, pp 55-60, particularly p 57. See also the comments on false relics in D. Bethell, ‘ The making of a twelfth-century relic collection ‘, below, pp 71-2.

^{page no 47 note 2} Sitwell, preface, p 91.

^{page no 47 note 3} Ibid, pp 91-2.

^{page no 47 note 4} Ibid, p 91.

^{page no 48 note 1} Ibid, II, preface, pp 132-3.

^{page no 48 note 2} Ibid, II, 34, pp 159-60.

^{page no 48 note 3} Ibid, preface, p 93

^{page no 48 note 4} See the comments on the diffusion of Gerald’s cult and reputation in Sitwell, IV, 12 p 180 and p 180, n 1. There is, however, no precise indication when the cult became established, or diffused, and it seems more likely that this occurred after Odo’s endorsement of it than before.

^{page no 48 note 5} Sitwell, II, preface, p 132. See also Odo’s preface, Sitwell, p 91.

^{page no 49 note 1} Ibid, 1, 32, p 121.

^{page no 49 note 2} Odo links this acceptance by William of Gerald’s refusal with Bernard of Auvergne’s earlier commendation (commendavit) of the young William to Gerald. Quite what was involved in the relationship between Gerald and William it is impossible to say without precise knowledge of the social relationship between Bernard and Gerald, and between the two families. Sitwell, 1, 32, p 122.

^{page no 49 note 3} Sitwell, 1, 33, p 122; 1, 35, p 124.

^{page no 49 note 4} Ibid, 1, 35-6, pp 124-6.

^{page no 49 note 5} Ibid, II, preface, p 132.

^{page no 49 note 6} Ibid, 1, 8, p 100.

^{page no 50 note 1} Ibid, 1, 19, pp 112-13.

^{page no 50 note 2} Ibid, 1, 20, pp 113-14.

^{page no 50 note 3} Ibid, 18, p 112.

^{page no 51 note 1} Ibid, 11, 11-12, pp 142-3; see also 11, 13, p 143.

^{page no 51 note 2} Ibid, 1, 12, p 106.

^{page no 51 note 3} Ibid, II, 14, p 144.

^{page no 51 note 4} Ibid.

^{page no 51 note 5} The Making of the Middle Ages (London 1953) p 158.

^{page no 51 note 6} Cluny was founded on 2 September 909; Gerald died on Friday 13 October 909.

^{page no 52 note 1} ‘ He made it a rule to go every second year to their tombs [St Peter and Paul] as a serf with ten shillings hung round his neck that he might pay them as a due to his lord ‘, Sitwell, 11, 17, pp 144-7.

^{page no 52 note 2} ‘ After saying this he went through the psalter from the beginning with them, singing no mortal song. And he made it now his custom to recite the psalter almost daily’, Sitwell, 1, 11, p 105.

^{page no 52 note 3} See, for example, the comments and conclusions of Momigliano and Morris.

^{page no 52 note 4} Hugh of Kirkstall, Narratio de Fundatione Fontanis Monasterii, ed Walbran, J. R., The Memorials of Fountains Abbey, 1, Surtees Society, XLII (Newcastle 1862) pp 118-20Google Scholar.

^{page no 53 note 1} Sitwell, preface, p 93.