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‘We intend to show what Our Lord has done for women’: the Liverpool Church League for Women’s Suffrage, 1913–18

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Krista Cowman*
Affiliation:
University of York
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There was nothing unusual in the inauguration, in December 1909, of a Church League for Women’s Suffrage (CLWS). By January 1914, suffrage had become so expansive that fifty-three organizations competed for or shared a membership divided by tactics, religion, political allegiance, ethnic origin, or metier, but united in their desire to see the parliamentary franchise awarded to women. At the time of the League’s formation, the centre stage of suffrage politics was largely occupied by three groups: the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), suffragettes whose commitment to direct militant tactics brought them spectacularly into both the public eye and the prison cell; the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS), whose suffragist members condemned all militancy, describing themselves as ‘law-abiding’; and the Women’s Freedom League (WFL), militants who had quit the WSPU in 1907 in a dispute over constitutional democracy. Whilst they were often virulently opposed to each other, these three groups shared a commitment to an all-female membership and also the political will to prioritize the franchise above the broader feminist issues which adjoined their public campaigns. By contrast smaller suffrage groups, including the Church League, added extra dimensions to the suffrage campaign. They allowed members of the three main groups to explore issues other than suffrage whilst simultaneously providing alternative arenas for suffrage activity to those who did not feel able to commit themselves to the larger bodies. Thus the Church League did restrict its membership to practising Anglicans, but welcomed both militants and constitutionalists, and men as well as women into its ranks. Whilst the achievement of the parliamentary franchise remained its main aim, it also provided space for those who wished to explore ‘the deep religious significance of the women’s movement’. This paper uses the example of the Liverpool branch of the Church League to examine in greater detail to what extent, if any, such explorations resulted in an alteration of the gendered nature of space within Edwardian Anglicanism.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1998

References

1 This figure comes from the ‘Suffrage Directory’, Votes for Women [hereafter VFW], 6 Feb. 1914.

2 For the WSPU see, for example, Pankhurst, E. Sylvia, The Suffragette Movement, an Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (London, 1931)Google Scholar; Fulford, Roger, Votes for Women (London, 1957)Google Scholar; Raeburn, Antonia, The Militant Suffragettes (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Rosen, Andrew, Rise Up Women! The Militant Campaign of the Women’s Social and Political Union, 1903–14 (London, 1974)Google Scholar. For the NUWSS, works include Strachey, Ray, The Cause: A Short History of the Women’s Movement in Great Britain (London, 1928)Google Scholar; Liddington, Jill and Norris, Jill, One Hand Tied Behind Us: The Rise of the Women’s Suffrage Movement (London, 1978)Google Scholar; Hume, Leslie Parker, The National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (New York and London, 1982)Google Scholar. For the WFL, which still awaits a published history, see Eustance, G L, ‘Daring to be free: the evolution of women’s political identities in the Women’s Freedom League’ (University of York D. Phil, thesis, 1993)Google Scholar, and Francis, Hilary, ‘Our job is to be free: the sexual politics of four Edwardian feminists from C.1910-1935’ (University of York D. Phil. thesis, 1996)Google Scholar.

3 London, Lambeth Palace Library, Davison Papers W16, Revd Claude Hinscliffe to Arckbiskop Davison, 3 May 1912, cited in Heeney, Brian, The Women’s Movement in the Church of England, 1850–1930 (Oxford, 1988), p. 105.Google Scholar

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11 Revd William Temple, M. A., ‘How the women’s movement may help the cause of religion’, in The Religious Aspect of the Women’s Movement; being a Series of Addresses Delivered at Meetings held at the Queen’s Hall, London, on June 19 1912 (London, 1912) [London, Museum of London, Suffragette Fellowship Collection, MOL 50. 82./205], pp. 5761.Google Scholar

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13 McLaughlin, Megan, ‘Gender paradox and the otherness of God’, Gender and History, 3 (1991), pp. 14759 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bjorg Seland, ‘Women’s place within the pious Assembly House culture’, unpublished paper delivered to ‘A Woman’s Place’ conference, Kristiansand, June 1996 (cited with permission of the author).

14 Mrs Creighton, ‘Effects of the women’s movement on the education and ideals of women’, in The Religious Aspect of the Women’s Movement, pp. 46–50.

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16 The Suffragette, 1 Aug. 1913.

17 Tickner, Lisa, The Spectacle of Women: Imagery of the Suffrage Campaign 1907–14 (London, 1987), p. 138.Google Scholar

18 Davison, Emily Wilding, VFW, 3 Sept. 1909.Google Scholar

19 Cited by Vicinus, Martha, ‘Male space and women’s bodies: the suffragette movement’, in her Independent Women (London, 1985), p. 251.Google Scholar

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21 Vicinus, ‘Male space’, p. 260.

22 See the religious ideas of Dora Marsden, described in Garner, Les, A Brave and Beautiful Spirit (Aldershot, 1990), pp. 15583 Google Scholar. A representation of’Saint’ Christabel is reproduced on the cover of Mitchell, David, Queen Christabel (London, 1977).Google Scholar

23 Church League for Women’s Suffrage Monthly Paper [hereafter CLWS Monthly Paper], Jan. 1913. Pembroke Chapel was the main site of pulpit radicalism in Liverpool. For more details see Sellers, I., Salute to Pembroke, unpublished typescript, Liverpool Record Office; also Leonard Smith, Religion and the Rise of Labour (Keele, 1993), pp. 14553.Google Scholar

24 For an explanation of the way that suffrage politics in Liverpool stretched through into Cheshire, Bootle, and Merseyside, see Cowman, Krista, ‘Engendering citizenship: women in Merscyside political organisations, 1890–1930’ (University of York D.Phil. thesis, 1994).Google Scholar

25 Heeney, Women’s Movement, p. 112.

26 Church League for Women’s Suffrage, Fourth Annual Report (London, 1913).

27 An analysis of the Liverpool members named in the CLWS Monthly Paper shows that of the nineteen who had associations with other suffrage bodies, nine were WSPU members, six supported the NUWSS, and four were involved with the WFL.

28 The recent developments of militant policy and … the reaction in public opinion … make it more important than ever that the … methods of the National Union should be kept prominently before public attention’: Rathbone, Eleanor, ‘The methods of conciliation’, Common Cause, 5 Sept 1911.Google Scholar

29 CLWS Monthly Paper, March 1914.

30 VFW, 18 April 1913.

31 Bell, The Church and Women’s Suffrage.

32 Fletcher, Maude Royden, pp. 143–4.

33 See Pankhurst, The Suffragette Movement, p. 510.

34 For a short account of the importance of the Lady Chapel to feminism, see The Vote, 11 Nov. 1909.

35 The Suffragette, 23 Jan. 1914, 30 Jan. 1914.

36 The Suffragette, 3 April 1914.

37 CLWS Monthly Paper, Sept 1913.

38 Letter from Miss Hoy, WSPU and Woman’s Church activist, Wallasey and Wirral Chronicle, 14 March 1914; letter from Miss Brand, ibid., 24 Jan. 1014.

39 Free Church Suffrage Times, April 1914.

40 For more details on the Revd Baker, see Free Church Suffrage Times, Jan. 1917; also Elaine Kaye, ‘A turning point in the ministry of women; the ordination of the first women to the Christian ministry in England in September 1917’, SCH, 27 (1990), pp. 505–12.