1 See, for example, Sabbadini, R., La Scuola e gli Studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese (Genova, 1896) pp. 38–47 Google Scholar, and especially p. 46; also Sabbadini, R., IlMetodo degli umanisti (Firenze, 1922)Google Scholar.

2 Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), p. 166.

3 Ibid., p. 96.

4 Ibid., p. 21.

5 Ong, apparently, did not see the work of a student of Gerhard Ritter, Faust, A., ‘Die Dialektik Rudolf Agricolas: Ein Beitrag zur Charakteristik des deutschen Humanismus’, Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophic, XXXIV (1922)Google Scholar, N.S. XXVII, 118-135, in which the author attempts to relate Agricolan dialectics to its scholastic predecessors.

6 Freiburg received its charters in 1456 from Albrecht VI, Archduke of Austria and brother of the emperor; Ingolstadt was founded in 1472 by Ludwig der Reiche of the Landshut-Ingolstadt branch of the Wittelsbach ducal family; and Tübingen arose in 1477 by the grace of the pious Eberhard im Bart, Count and, after 1495, Duke of Württemberg.

7 When the Duke of Saxony wished to set up a university at Wittenberg in 1502, he modelled his institution on that of Tübingen, and a number of Tübingen professors helped to establish the new Saxon university.

8 The declension of pronouns and the conjugation of regular verbs, for example, are left by Alexander to the more elementary Donatus; see ‘Introduction’ to Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-dei, ed. by Reichling, D., Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, XII (1893) lxxiii Google Scholar.

9 For example, at Breslau, Miinster, Niirnberg, Schlettstadt, Memmingen, Emmerich, Nördlingen, and Nordhausen; see ibid., xcix, and K. Neudecker, J., Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-dei und der lateinische Unterricht während des späteren Mittelalters in Deutschland (Pirna, 1885) p. 2 Google Scholar.

10 For medieval grammar in general, the best guide is still Charles Thurot, Notices et extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir à I'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au Moyen Age in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale et autres bibliothèques, XXII, 2 (1868), 1-540.

11 Das Doctrinale d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, XII, XXI.

12 Ibid., xlix.

13 Ibid., xliv-xlviii

14 Ibid., xcix.

15 It is interesting to note that it was printed in Italy at a much later date; Reichling records a 1588 edition there, ibid., xlv.

16 Ibid., 75, lines 1162-1169:

17 The four-part division of the later Middle Ages stems from a division of the section on syntax.

18 Ibid., lxxii.

19 Ibid., lxiv. This is the same man and gloss that served repeatedly as the butt of derisory remarks and parodies in the Epistolae obscurorum virorum—e.g., vol. I, letters 3, 5, and 19; vol. II, letter 35 in A. Bömer's edition (Heidelberg, 1924).

20 Das Doctrinale d. Alex Villa-dei, MGP, XII, lxv, cix-cccix.

21 Ibid., xi.

22 Ibid., prologue to pt. 2.

23 This passage is taken from Glosa notabilis secunde parte Alexandri (Deventer, 1491). Reichling overlooked this edition; ibid., ccviii.

24 Petri Hispani Summulae Logicales, ed. by I. M. Bochenski (Marietti, 1947), Tract, v, topic of efficient cause.

25 Super Donato (Heidelberg, 1489), f. A2.

26 Voigt, G., Die Widerbelebung des classischen Alterthums (Berlin, 1892) I, 468 Google Scholar.

27 Johannes Heynlin, who played a leading role in the intellectual life of Basle in the last two decades of the fifteenth century and who helped to found the University of Tübingen, composed a letter to accompany the 1471 edition of the Elegantiae from the Parisian press of three of his students, Gering, Crantz, and Friburger;Hain, 158000.1 have noticed the Elegantiae in the earliest catalogue (1492) of the library of the University of Ingolstadt; Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, m, pt. 2, 254.

28 Das Doctrinak d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, xn, lxxxiii-xc.

29 Rudimenta Grammatica, written in 1468, printed at Rome in 1473 (Hain, 12643), and shortly afterward at Strasbourg in 1476 (Hain, 12649).

30 Aschbach, Jos. v., Geschichte der Wiener Universität, n: Die Wiener Universität und ihre Humanisten im Zeitalter Kaiser Maximilians I (Vienna, 1877) 38–39 Google Scholar.

31 Grammatica nova (Salzburg, 1482), after which it was printed very often in southern Germany—Memmingen (1484), Reutlingen (1485), Strasbourg (1488), Nürnberg (1498).

32 Ibid. (Augsburg? n.d.), f. ai^r.

33 Ibid., f. aii.

34 Ibid., fs. Dii^r—diii.

35 Bauch, G., Die Anfänge des Humanismus in Ingolstadt (Munich and Leipzig, 1901) p. 89 Google Scholar;

36 ‘Aus der Geschichte des Humanismus, Mainzer’, Archiv für hessische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, N.S. V (1907), 23 Google Scholar.

37 For example, chs. XVII and XXIX.

38 Reichling shows, however, that, in spite of their stated aversions, Italian grammarians, such as Sulpicius and Mancinellus, not only followed the Doctrinale closely, but even plagiarized Alexander's verse; Das Doctrinale d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, XII, cvi-cx.

39 The influence of grammatical commentaries is difficult to trace, but Synthen's commentary, for example, was known in the very active group of humanist students around Bebel at the University of Tübingen; see Altenstaig, J., Vocabularius (Pforzheim, 1511)Google Scholar f. 2.

40 In general, see Hyma, A., The Brethren of the Common Life (Grand Rapids, 1950) pp. 115–126 Google Scholar.

41 Das Doctrinale d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, XII, XC, and Wiese, J., Der Pädagoge Alexander Hegius und seine Schüler (Berlin, 1892)Google Scholar. I have used the essay from a collection, entitled Dialogi (Deventer, 1503).

42 Dialogi, f. Oii.

43 Ibid., f. Oiv.

44 Butzbach, a former student of Deventer, wrote: ‘Collegit et scripsit [Sinthen] cum supramemorato Hegio cui in componendis commentariis super doctrinale Alexandri Galli socius erat familiarissimus et comes indefessus et hoc sub tali condicione ut qui prior altero vita defungeretur illius et nomine liber intitularetur quod et factum esse liquido constat’; quoted by Wiese, Alexander Hegius u. Schüler, p. 36.

45 It was printed at Strasbourg in 1487 and 1499 and at Reutlingen in 1489, and used by other commentators, such as Iodocus Badius Ascensius at Paris; Das Doctrinale d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, XII, lxvi. I have used Glosa Joannis Sinthen super secunda parte Alexandri (Deventer, 1491); the more common title for the commentary was Dictajoannis Synthen super prima J secunda parte Alexandri.

46 See Hunt, R. W., ‘Studies on Priscian in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, I (1943), 215–223 Google Scholar.

47 See Petri Hispani Summulae Logicales, Tract, vil.

48 Das Doctrinale d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP, XII, lxvi-lxxi.

49 Hermanni Torrentini... commentaria in primam partem doctrinalis Alexandri (Tübingen, 1511) , f. a.

50 See n. 39. Torrentinus’ commentary was republished at Tübingen in 1512 and 1514; see SteifF, K., Der erste Buchdmck in Tübingen (1498-1534) (Tübingen, 1881) pp. 94 Google Scholar and 108.

51 Knod, G., Aus der Bibliothek des Beatus Rhenanus (Schlettstadt, 1889) p. 49 Google Scholar.

52 Landeen, W., The Devotio-Moderna in Germany in the Fifteenth Century (n.p., 1939) pp. 182–295 Google Scholar.

53 See F. X. Linsemann, ‘Gabriel Biel und die Anfänge der Universität zu Tübingen’, Theologische Quartalschrift (1865), pp. 205-215, and W. Landeen, ‘Gabriel Biel and the Brethren of the Common Life’, Church History, xx (1951), 23-26.

54 Gény, J., Geschichte der Stadtbibliothek zu Schlettstadt (Schlettstadt, 1889) pp. 18–20 Google Scholar.

55 Wimpfeling is the source for the teaching methods of Dringenberg; see his Isidoneus Germanicus (n.p. & n.d.), ch. xvi.

56 Ch. xvi: ‘De tribus alexandri partibus quod eligendum quod pretereundem’.

57 Ibid., ch. xvm.

58 Ibid., ch. xxi.

59 For example, he would exclude Juvenal ‘propter spurcitiam’, Persius ‘propter obscuritatem’, Ovid ‘propter molliciem et lasciviam’, Martial ‘est omnino pernitiosus’, Tibullus, Propertius, Catullus, and Sappho ‘propter impudicitiam’; ibid., ch. xxi, f. 19r.

60 Ibid., ch. xvi, f. I I .

61 Perotti deals with syntax under thirty-two rules; see Perger, Grammatica nova, Book II. Wimpfeling also mentions Lorenzo Valla, Sulpicius, and Francesco Niger, and, on syllables and orthography, Giovanni Tortello.

62 See Haller, J., Die Anfänge der Universität Tübingen, 1477-1537 (Stuttgart, 1927) I, 212–235 Google Scholar. There is no satisfactory work on Bebel, but see Zapf, G.W., Heinrich Bebel nach seinem Leben und Schriften (Augsburg, 1802)Google Scholar and L. Geiger's article ‘Heinrich Bebel’, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, n, 195-199.

63 His Commentaria epistolamm conficiendarum went through eight editions between 1503 and 1516, four at Strasbourg, three at Pforzheim, and one at Tübingen. I have used the Strasbourg edition of 1506. For the Opusculum de instit. puer., I have used the Strasbourg edition of 1513.

64 The Grammatica nova of Jacob Locher (Philomusus), supposedly printed in 1495, seems to be a fiction. Possibly the library catalogue at the Univesrsity of Freiburg is the source of the mistake.

65 ‘De abusione linguae latinae’, Com. epist. conf., f. XLIII.

66 Ibid., f. LXII^r.

67 Opusculum de instit. puer., f. aiiir.

68 Com. epist. conf., f. cxuv. Valla wrote ca. 1441: ‘semper libros meos, quos dixi, melius mereri de lingua latina quam omnes qui sexcentos iam annos vel de grammatica, etc. scripserunt’; Sabbadini, R., Studi sul Panormita e sul Valla (Florence, 1891) p. 283 Google Scholar (for which reference I am grateful to Dr. G. A. Holmes).

69 Ibid., f. cxxv.

70 Opusculum de instit. puer., fs. avi-aviir.

71 Ibid.

72 Ibid., f. Aiii^r; the pagination of this edition is rather erratic, with one set of numbers in large case letters and another in small.

73 Henrichmann was a professor of law, and Altenstaig, a professor of theology at the University of Tübingen. Brassicanus taught Latin school at Urach and, after 1509, at Tübingen.

74 I have used the 1507 edition from this printer.

75 I have used this edition.

76 Vocabularius; originally printed in 1508,1 have used the 1511 Pforzheim edition.

77 Ibid., before pagination.

78 Ibid., f. br.

79 See Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, i, 89-90, and n, 30, and Wagner, J., Geschichte des humanistischen Schulwesens in Württemberg (Stuttgart, 1912) 1 Google Scholar, 186 ff”.

80 Urkunden zur Geschichte der Universität Tübingen aus denjahren 1476 bis 1550, ed. By P. Roth (Tübingen, 1877), p. 337.

81 Ibid., p. 377.

82 It is interesting to note that at this time Staupitz, Luther's future superior, was prior, and Nathan, Luther's future teacher, was on the staff of the Augustinian house in Tübingen; Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 1, 197.

83 Univ. Archives, xv, 17, f. 35r; quoted by Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 11, 82. Haller, however, overlooked the possibility of ‘grammatica nova’ being the title of the grammar. The other grammar mentioned may be Michael Lindelbach's Precepta Latinitatis (Reutlingen, i486), which is a collection of examples from classical authors organized according to Donatus.

84 Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 1, 42.

85 Bebel was introduced to literary studies by Laurentius Corvin at the University of Cracow and went then to Basle, where, in the following year, 1496, he received the offer for Tübingen. Here he remained until his death in 1518.

86 Urkunden z. Gesch. d. Univ. Tübingen, pp. 416-417.

87 Grammaticae Institutiones, f. Aiir.

88 Ibid., f. Aiiif.

89 Ibid., f. Av.

90 Ibid., f. Avi^r: ‘Vos autem viri praestantissimi qui estis Episcopi nostri hoc est superintendentes’.

91 Brassicanus wrote to Michael Hummelberg in October 1513: ‘cum ante annos septem gymnasiarchae nostri dissolutos et enervates Galli versiculos in utroque contubernio veluti sancto Numae institute interpretandos sanxissent et omnem cuivis de quibuscunque rebus scribendi facultatem ademissent, quod ubi cum apud Uracenses literas aperirem intellexeram atque animadverteram complures contractius habitare, ne se noxiis institutiones quae circumferuntur passim liberiore stilo contexere’; Analecten zur Geschichte des Humanismus in Schwaben (1512-1518), ed. by A. Horawitz (Vienna, 1877), p. 39.

92 See pp. 21-22.

93 Univ. Archives, I, ir, f. ior (reproduced in full as Appendix 9 in Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, n, 182): ‘Alexander et Donatus non leguntur apud modernos sed legitur Brassicanus in Modernorum et Aldus in Realium’.

94 When George Simler came to Tübingen from Pforzheim in 1510, a rivalry grew up between him and Bebel. Simler published a Latin and Greek grammar in 1512, which was critical of Bebel and Brassicanus; see K. Steiff, Der erste Buchdruck in Tübingen, pp. 84-85. The Simler group consisted of Melanchthon (Simler's pupil at Pforzheim and Anshelm's corrector), Jacob Lemp (enemy of Bebel and vilified as ‘pannutius’ by Brassicanus), Jacob Spiegel (in Tübingen only briefly in 1511-1512), and the printer, Thomas Anshelm (for his row with Bebel, see Bebel's correspondence with Hummelberg; Analecten z. Gesch. d. Humanismus in Schwaben, pp. 23 and 38).

95 Gabriel Miinzthaler: 1492—hired to teach poetry, 1499—also giving lectures on the Institutes (Protocollum Senatus, Freiburg University Archives, copy, vol. I, 852 and 935). Ulrich Zasius: 1500—hired to teach poetry, 1501—also giving lectures on the Institutes (ibid., 954 and 968). Jacob Locher: the only exception to the rule, he lectured in poetry from 1503 to 1506 (ibid., 985 and 1039). Jerome Baldung: 1506—hired to teach poetry and law (ibid., 1046). Jerome Vehus and Caspar Baldung: both hired to alternate between poetry and law (ibid., n, no pagination).

96 Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 1, 206, and Schreiber, H., Geschichte der Stadt und Universität Freiburg im Breisgau (Freiburg, 1857-1859), 1 Google Scholar, 60 ff.

97 There are slight variations in logic and in hours and salary scales; see The Mediaeval Statutes of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Freiburg im Breisgau, ed. by H. Ott and J. M. Fletcher (Notre Dame, Ind., 1964), pp. 23-27.

98 Ibid., p. 119.

99 K. Hartfelder, ‘Der Karthäuserprior Gregor Reisch, Verfasser der Margarita Philosophica’, Zeitschrift für die Geschkhte des Oberrheins, N.S. V. (1890), 170-200.

100 Freiburg, 1503, 1504; Strasbourg, 1504, 1508, 1512, 1515; Basle, 1506, 1517, 1535; I have used the first edition.

101 Margarita Phil., Book 1, Tract. 1, ch. 5.

102 Ibid., Book 1, Tract, n, ch. 9.

103 Spiegel entered Ferdinand's service in 1522 on the recommendation of Erasmus; see Knod's, G. article in ADB, xxxv, 156-158, and his essay, ‘Jacob Spiegel aus Schlettstadt’, Beilage z. Programm A. Realgymnasiums z. Schlettstadt, 1 (1)Google Scholar, and n (1886).

104 argues, Paulsen this case: Geschichte desgelehrten Unterrichts aujden deutschen Schulen und Universitäten vom Ausgang des Mittelalters bis zur Gegenwart (rev. ed., Leipzig, 1896), 1 Google Scholar, 137. For text of reform, see Urkunden z. Gesch. d. Univ. Tübingen, pp. 140-152. Haller argues convincingly that the reform was never enacted at Tübingen; Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 1, 314-315.

105 Urkunden z. Gesch. d. Univ. Tübingen, p. 147: ‘Ad philosophiam sive rationalem sive naturalem sive moralem non admittant auditores nisi sint grammatici’.

106 In 1522, the University of Heidelberg asked Spiegel to submit his thoughts on reform of university studies. Spiegel, in his reply, criticized the existing method of teaching Aristotle to boys at such an early age and suggested: ‘loco istarum lectionum constituendos qui in grammaticis prium rudimenta eiusdem artis ex optimo quoque autore … tradant’; Urkundenbuch der Universität Heidelberg, ed. by Winkelmann (Heidelberg, 1886), 1, 215.

107 Haller, Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, 1, 36: Ingolstadt—ca. 400; Tübingen—ca. 200; Freiburg—fewer than Tübingen.

108 See Prantl, C., ‘Uber die am Ende des 15. Jhdt. bestehende Parteispaltung der philosophischen Fakultät zu Ingolstadt’, Sitzungberkhte d. königl. Akademie d. Wissenschqften z. München, 1 (1), 1–18 Google Scholar.

109 Mittelalt. Bibliothekskatal. Deutschland u. d. Schweiz, m, 2(1932), 251.

110 Annates Ingohtadiensis Academiae, ed. by J. N. Mederer (Ingolstadt, 1782), IV, 94.

111 Prantl, , Geschichte der Ludwig-Maximilians Vniversitdt in Ingolstadt, Landshut, München (Munich, 1872) 11 Google Scholar, 89.

112 See Thurot, Notices et Extraits … , p. 22, and Manitius, , Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters (Munich, 1931) III, 186 Google Scholar.

113 Clm. 18801, f. I38r.

114 Die Anfänge d. Hum. in Ingolstadt, pp. 86-87.

115 See Wallerand, G., Les Oeuvres de Siger de Courtrai, Les Philosophes Beiges, VIII (Louvain, 1913), 43–60 Google Scholar. Thurot (Notices et Extraits . . , p. 490) uses Gramatica Petri Helie … (Strasbourg, 1499), which Bauch mentions, as an example of modistae work.

116 Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud.-Max. Univ., 11, 109, 115.

117 Bauch, Anfänge d. Hum. in Ingolstadt, pp. 89-90.

118 See the biographical note in Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud.-Max. Univ., n, 483. There are many accounts of this quarrel: see, for example, Hehle, ‘Der schwabische Humanist Jakob Locher Philomusus (1471-1528)’, Programm des koniglichen Gymnasiums in Ehingen, pt. n, (Ehingen, 1874), pp. 1-35.

119 See Bauch, Anfänge d. Hum. in Ingolstadt, pp. 14-85.

120 Library policy was in the hands of the dean of the faculty of arts; see Ruepprecht, Chr., ‘Die älteste Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek Munchen (1472-1500)’, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, XXXII (1915), 25 Google Scholar, and W.John, ‘Das Bücherverzeichnis der Ingolstadter Artistenfäkultat von 1508’, ibid., Lix, 409.

121 Aschbach, Wiener Univ. u. ihre Humanisten, p. 58.

122 The standard biography is still Th. Wiedemann, Johannes Turmaier (Freiburg, 185 8); see also Strauss, G., Historian in an Age of Crisis: The Life and Work of Johannes Aventinus, 1477-1534 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Sämmtliche Werke (Munich, 1881), 1, 386.

124 Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud. Max. Univ., II, 160 and 183.

125 Sämmtl. Werke, 1, 376; this statement can, I believe, be fruitfully compared with the remarks of Gerhard of Ziitphen concerning the nature of grammar; see pp. 13-16.

126 Sämmtl. Werke, 1, 376-377.

127 Das Doctrinak d. Alex. Villa-dei, MGP,XII, xcix.

128 Ibid.

129 Gehmlich, E., Die städtischen Lateinschulen des sächsischen Erzgebirges im 16. Jhdt. (Leipzig, 1893), p. 62 Google Scholar.

130 Müller, J., Quellenschriften und Geschichte des deutschsprachlichen Unterrichts bis zur Mitte des i6.Jhdts. (Gotha, 1882) p. 267 Google Scholar.

131 Gehmlich, Stddt. Lateinschulen d. säcks. Erzgebirg. im 16. Jhdt., p. 62.

132 Opusculum de. instit. puer., f. Aii; see also Erasmus, , ‘Declamatio de pueris ad virtutem ac literas liberaliter instituendis idque protinus a nativitate’, Opera omnia (Leyden, 1703) 1 Google Scholar, 485-516, but especially p. 489.

133 ‘Das Gelehrtenschulwesen des Herzogstums Württemberg in den Jahren 1500- I534’ Württembergisch eJahrbücher für Statistik und Landeskunde (1894), pp. 135-144.

134 From his inception oration at Ingolstadt in 1492, printed by Rupprich, H., Humanismus und Renaissance in den deutschen Städten und an den Universitäten (Leipzig, I935),p.235 Google Scholar.

135 In a letter to the University of Ingolstadt, May 1492, for which see Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, ed. by H. Rupprich (Munich, 1934), p. 56.

136 Mullally, J., Summulae Logicales of Peter of Spain (Notre Dame, Ind., 1945) pp. ix–xxi Google Scholar.

137 For a brief discussion of each tract, see ibid., pp. xxix-xxxvii; Boehner, P., Medieval Logic (Manchester, 1966) pp. 1–5 Google Scholar, gives a succinct outline of the contents of each. Peter of Spain did not give the treatises titles: the ones above I have adopted from the commentary by Versor, Johannes (d. 1480), Summulae Petri Hispani Logicales cum Versorii Parisiensis clarissima expositione (Venice, 1589) p. 3 Google Scholar. Peter of Spain omits the Analytica posterior a on the nature of scientific investigation, but later logicians, such as Ockham and Buridan, added this tract under the title De demonstratione; see Boehner, Medieval Logic, pp. 80-84.

138 In southern Germany, Marsilius v. Inghen's version was often used, but it is very similar to Peter's; see Ritter, G., Studien zur Spätscholastik, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, XII (1921), 50–52 Google Scholar.

139 Petri Hispani Summulae Logicales, Tract. 1: ‘Propositio est oratio verum vel falsum significans iudicando’; but Mullally adopts another common reading: ‘… indicando’, which seems to me to make more sense; Mullally, Summulae Logicales … , p. xxv.

140 For the relation of medieval proposition to modern logic, see Moody, E.A., Truth and Consequence in Medieval Logic (Amsterdam, 1953) pp. 30–63 Google Scholar. This is also one of the structures humanists cited to show how little the scholastics knew about Latin.

141 In this, he follows Porphyry and Boethius; see Mullally, The Summulae Logkales … , p. xxix.

142 Ibid., pp. xxxii-xxxiii; see also Ong, Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, pp. 106-107.

143 This is a simplification, an emphasis on the inherent tendency in Peter's approach. In practice, constant confusion resulted from this tendency in formal logic and the continuing influence of the older Aristotelian tradition, which was often retained in the ordering of the actual Aristotelian texts for the second-year course. See, for example, the very popular edition and commentary with questions by George Bruxellensis and Thomas Bricot, Logica secundum Aristotelis deditionem a magistro Georgio Bruxellensi artice exposita una cum magistri Thome Bricott… textu . .. cum eiusdem questionibus (Caen, 1512).

144 Ockham placed it after his treatment of terms; see Boehner, , Medieval Logic, pp. 80-81. Eck inserted it after the third tract; Joannis Eckii theologi in Summulas Petri Hispani (Augsburg, 1516)Google Scholar f. iii. Versor explains: ‘Et licet una doctrina ille tractatus sequatur tractatum Fallaciarum, tamen ordine naturae debet immediate sequi tractatum praedicamentorum, quia ibi determinatur de passionibus terminorum incomplexorum’; Summulae Petri Hispani Logicales cum Versorii Parisiensis … expositione, p. 3.

145 Ockham, , Sutntna totius logicae, I, iv, in Boehner, Ockham: Philosophical Writings (London, 1962) p. 51 Google Scholar.

146 The seventh treatise is translated by Mullally, Summulae Logicales … .

147 Ibid., p. xxxiv.

148 Ibid., pp. xxxiv-xxxvi.

149 Boehner, Medieval Logic, pp. 4 and 52-53

150 Ibid., p. 53.

151 Ibid., p. 8; see also T. K. Scott's introduction to John Buridan: Sophisms on the Meaning of Truth (New York 1966).

152 The Med. Statutes of the Faculty of Arts of the Univ. of Freiburg itn Breisgau, ed. by H. Ott and J. M. Fletcher, p. 40.

153 Prantl, Gesch. d. hud-Max. Univ., n, 89.

154 Urkunden z. Gesch. d. Univ. Tübingen, p. 335.

155 A great deal of Peter's vocabulary had been taken over from the grammarians, which was but another bond between grammar and logic; see Mullally, Summulae Logkales … , pp. 1-lviii.

156 Bochenski, I.M., Formale Logik (Freiburg-Munich, 1962) p. 199 Google Scholar; English ed., p. 173.

157 ‘Logic’ and ‘dialectics’ seem to have been used interchangeably in the Middle Ages; see Mullally, Summulae Logicales … , p. xxi.

158 Bochenski, Formale Logik, p. 293; English ed., p. 251.

159 Petri Hispani Summulae Logicales, Tract. 1.

160 Bochenski, Formale Logik, pp. 169-170; English ed., p. 148.

161 Ibid., p. 174; English ed., p. 152.

162 Ibid., pp. 295-308; English ed., pp. 254-264.

163 Prantl, , Geschichte der Logik (Leipzig, 1866) IV, 151 Google Scholar.

164 In his history of formal logic, Formale Logik.

165 Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, pp. 174 and 53.

166 See p. 13.

167 See p. 42.

168 Mullally, Summulae Logicales … , Tract, vn; the translation is mine.

169 Ibid.

170 See p. 46.

171 Summulae Petri Hispani Logicales cum Versorii. . . expositione, p. 8.

172 See pp. 19-21.

173 Urkunden z. Gesch. d. Univ. Tübingen, p. 335.

174 Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud.-Max. Univ., n, 89.

175 de Rijk, L. M., Logica Modernorum, A Contribution to the History of Early Terminist Logic (Assen, 1962) p. 22 Google Scholar.

176 Boehner, Medieval Logic, pp. 80-84.

177 Summule philosophie rationalis seu logice … Dorbelli (Basle, 1503), f. a2r.

178 The third type of grammar; see Pinborg, J., Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter (Minister, 1967) pp. 101–102 Google Scholar.

179 Thg modi significandi is yet another large area of medieval studies, upon which work has only really begun in the last forty years. Grabmann, M. opened up the field in the twenties and early thirties; see his ‘Die Entwicklung der mittelalterlichen Sprachlogik— ein Überblick’ in vol. ni of his essays, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben (Munich, 1926-1956)Google Scholar. But also see the excellent introduction of G. Wallerand's edition of Les Oeuvres de Siger de Courtrai in Les Philosophes beiges, VIII, and H. Roos, ‘Die Stellung der Grammatik im Lehrbetrieb des 13. Jhdt.’ in Artes Liber ales, ed. by Jos. Koch (Brill, 1959), and Roos, H., Die Modi Significandi des Martinus de Dacia, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Philosophic und Theologie, XXXVII, 2 (1952).Google Scholar The first survey has been published by J. Pinborg, Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter.

180 Mullally compares the concepts of the modistae to mose of Peter of Spain in Summulae Logicales … and finds much of the former latent in the latter, pp. lxxxiii-xcvii; see also n. 46.

181 The texts of the modistae have not been edited in any great number. The most accessible for centuries and the one I have used is Thomas of Erfurt, Grammatica Speculativa, vol. 1 of Joannis Duns Scoti… Opera Omnia (Louvain, 1639).

182 Ibid., ch. 8.

183 Ibid., chs. 50-53.

184 Ibid., ch. 54.

185 Roos, ‘Stellung d. Grammatik im Lehrbetrieb d. 13. Jhdt.’, Artes Liberates, p. 98.

186 Mullally, Summulae Logicales … , p. xcvii.

187 Thomas of Erfurt, Scoti… Opera Omnia, 1, 46.

188 [)ie Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, pt. n, pp. 137-192.

189 Grabmann, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben, m, 251; d'Ailly's tract was entitled ‘Destructiones modorum significandi’.

190 Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, p. 197; I have placed the translation in the past tense.

191 Ibid., pp. 196-197.

192 See p. 18.

193 Margarita Philosophica (Freiburg, 1503), Book II.

194 At the University of Freiburg off and on in the last decade of the fifteenth and first decade of the sixteenth centuries; Logica tnemorativa, Chartiludium logice sive totius dialectice memoria (Strasbourg, 1509) and Ludus studentium Friburgensium (Frankfurt, 1511).

195 See Wiedemann, T., Dr.Johann Eck, Professor der Theologie an der Universitat Ingolstadt (Regensburg, 1865)Google Scholar and Jos. Schlecht, ‘Dr. Johann Eck's Anfänge’, Historisches Jahrbuch, xxxvi (1915), 1-36.

196 Schlecht, ‘Eck's Anfänge’, Hist. Jahrbuch, xxxvi (1915), 6.

197 Wiedemann, Dr.Joh. Eck, pp. 55-62.

198 Bursa Pavonis: Logices exercitamenta appellata parva logicalia (Strasbourg, 1507).

199 In summulas Petri Hispani extemporaria et succincta shut succosa explanatio pro superioris Germaniae scholasticis (Augsburg, 1516), and In Aristotelis Dialecticam et Physicam tralatione Argyropoli accomodata (Augsburg, 1517). 200 Augsburg, 1517.

201 In six weeks ‘quibus vix quantum Luscinia dormiverim’; ‘ea quae in ipsis quericiae annis in foelici Tibingensi studio didici et dein novem ferme annis adolescens in regio Friburgiorum gymnasio docui quam citissime conscripsi’; In summulas …,f. 2^r.

202 He did go to Cologne, but only briefly.

203 Boehner, Medieval Logic, pp. 80-83, for an outline of Ockham's Summa totius logicae.

204 Eck, like Ockham, adds chapters on demonstration and disputation.

205 Boehner, Ockham: Philosophical Writings, p. 48; see also Boehner, P., ‘Ockham's Theory of Signification’, Franciscan Studies, VI, 2 (2), 143–170 Google Scholar, and Pinborg, Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, p. 109.

206 Elementarius, f. Aiii.

207 Ibid., f. Aii^r: ‘Mentalis per seipsum significat relucet enim res cognita in intellectu sicut imago rei relucet in speculo. At vocalis et scriptus significant mediante mentali tantum. Ideo dicuntur ei subordinari in significando’.

208 Pinborg, Die Entwkklung d. Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter, pp. 181, 183, and 197.

209 See p. 52.

210 Elementarius, f. B.

211 Filelfo, in fact, is probably referring to the notaries in the papal chancery; see Kantorowicz, Ernst, Selected Studies (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1965) p. 206 Google Scholar, for notaries as ‘cerdones’ in the slang of the Bolognese schools.

212 Jakob Sturm, for example, in his recommendations to the University of Heidelberg, Urkundenbuch d. Univ. Heidelberg, I, 215.

213 Petri Hispani Summulae Logicales, Tract. 1.

214 Laurentii Valine Opera (Basle, 1540), in his De Dialectica, Book III, p. 732.

215 Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud.-Max. Univ., n, 160.

216 Ibid.

217 ‘Impensis trium Gymnasiorum Ingolstadtiensis, Friburgensis, Tubingensis’.

218 Wiedemann, Dr.Johann Eck, p. 33.

219 Prantl, Gesch. d. Lud.-Max. Univ., n, 177.

220 Ibid., p. 182.

221 See p. 17.

222 Isidoneus Germanicus (n.p. & n.d.), f. 10.

223 Opusculutn de instit. puer., f. aiiii.

224 Ibid., f. aii.

225 This seems to be a clear reference to the modistae teaching; see pp. 51-53. ‘Nostri autem dialectici mox dicent sufficit nobis mentis conceptum exprimere sufficit quod intelligimur nolumus fieri vel poetae vel oratores’, Commentaria Epist. con., f. XLII^r.

226 Ibid.

227 Ibid.

228 Opusculum de instit. puer., f. aviii.

229 Agricola wrote the work sometime before 1479.

230 Ong, Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, p. 93. The first printed edition appeared at Louvain in 1515; for a check list of editions see Ong, W., Ramus and Talon Inventory (Cambridge, Mass., 1958)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

231 J. R. McVally, ‘ “Prima pars dialecticae“: The Influence of Agricolan Dialectic upon English Accounts of Invention’, Renaissance Quarterly, xxi, 2 (Summer, 1968), 166-177.

232 I have used Rodolphi Agricolae Phrisii de Inventione Dialectica (Strasbourg, 1521).

233 Ibid., Book n, ch. 2, f. 5ir . Agricola explains this very clearly in an oration given at Ferrara in 1476, printed in H. Rupprich, Humanismus und Ren. in dt. Städten u. Univ., p. 173.

234 Rupprich, Humanismus und Ren. in dt. Städten u. Univ., p. 173.

235 This passage is given in Ong's translation: Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, p. 101. The phrase ‘with probability’ is ‘probabiliter’ in the Latin and would be better translated 'demonstrably’; see also the passage translated from Peter of Spain, p. 46.

236 Ibid., pp. 101-104.

237 See especially De Inventione Dialectica, Book III, ch. 7.

238 Ong, Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, pp. 93-94.

239 Haller, Die Anfänge d. Univ. Tübingen, vol. n, Appendix IX, p. 182: ‘Reales prelegunt Hispanum et Moderni Agricolam’. This suggests that Ong's statement that Agricola was not influential in Germany until he was reintroduced after 1572 needs investigation, see Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, p. 97.

240 See Ong, Ramus: Method and Decay of Dialogue, p. 124.

241 H. Schreiber, Gesch. d. Stadt u. Univ. Freiburg-im-Br., II, 68.