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The Portrayal of Darkness and Sixth Sense on the Nineteenth-Century-English Stage

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 October 2010

Extract

In the nineteenth century darkness became visible in the English theatre. To know how this is so, one must glimpse the word “darkness” in its own shadow, its dimmest connotations. “That which hides or is hidden” is the root sense of “darkness,” but it is cognate with words meaning “to trouble or disturb.” The scene (in both spellings) will draw heavily on the unseen for its effect, and the darkness of the theatre resides in its capacity to both hide and reveal that which disturbs, playing always with the paradox of light and darkness, trouble and freedom from trouble, in such a way that darkness itself can become entrancing, an attraction, while the light(ed) repels or pales into insignificance. The theatre both chases troubling reality away from the brightly illuminated stage and gives centrality to the darkness at the focal point of the spectacle—that internal, infernal essence that Milton, in his portrayal of Satan's realm, termed “darkness visible.” A combination of circumstances during the nineteenth century brought dark phenomena to the fore in theatrical representations, first within the marginal exhibition halls and later on the legitimate stage. This essay will trace out one network of historical associations within that development.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society for Theatre Research 1993

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References

1 Paradise Lost, 1, 63.

2 Many historians of spiritualism and magic have written about the Davenport Brothers, including Christopher, Melbourne, The Illustrated History of Magic (New York: Crowell, 1973)Google Scholar; Podmore, Frank, Mediums of the 19th Century, 2 vols. (New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University Books, 1963)Google Scholar; Houdini, Harry, A Magician Among the Spirits (New York: Harper & Bros., 1924)Google Scholar; Doyle, Arthur Conan, History of Spiritualism, 2 vols. (New York: Doran, 1926)Google Scholar; and Mann, Walter, The Follies and Frauds of Spiritualism (London: Watts, 1919).Google Scholar The most detailed histories are those that were possibly sponsored by the Davenports themselves: The Davenport Brothers, the World-Renowned Spiritual Mediums: Their Biography and Adventures in Europe and America (Boston: William White, 1869); Nichols, T.L., The Brothers Davenport (London: Saunders, Otley, and Co., 1864)Google Scholar; and Cooper, Robert, Spiritual Experiences, Including Seven Months with the Brothers Davenport (London: Heywood, 1867).Google Scholar

3 The Great Illusionists (Secaucus, N.J.: Chartwell Books, 1979), 86.

4 There are many books about Mesmer and the history of hypnotism. One that I have found reliable, in English, is Buranelli's, VincentThe Wizard from Vienna: Franz Anton Mesmer and the Origins of Hypnosis (London: Peter Owen, 1976).Google Scholar See Damton's, RobertMesmerism and aie End of Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968)Google Scholar for an invaluable discussion of the issues involved in the cultural and scientific placement of the mesmeric phenomena. Ellenberger's, Henri F.The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry (New York: Basic Books, 1970)Google Scholar provides a valuable introduction to early scientific interest in hypnotism.

5 Quoted in the anonymous The Davenport Brothers, the World-Renowned Spiritual Mediums, 367.

7 See Booth, Michael R., Theatre in the Victorian Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 8293.Google Scholar See also Rees, Terence, Theatre Lighting in the Age of Gas (London: Society for Theatre Research, 1978)Google Scholar and Hughes, Alan, “Henry Irving's Artistic Use of Stage Lighting,” Theatre Notebook 33 (1979), 100109.Google Scholar In an article entitled “Irving and Stage Lighting,” Bram Stoker gives an account of Irving's innovations in lighting, including the darkening of the auditorium: “Up to this time such had not been the custom. Indeed, it was a general aim of management to have the auditorium as bright as possible. The new order of things was a revelation to the public. Of course, when the curtain came down the lights went up, and vice versa. In the practical working of the scheme it was found possible to open new ways of effect. In fact, darkness was found to be, when under control, as important a factor as light” (The Nineteenth Century and After, 69 [May 1911], 907).

8 Quoted in Brereton, Austin, The Life of Henry Irving (1908; rpt. New York: Blom, 1969), I, 65.Google Scholar

9 Irving, Laurence, Henry Irving: The Actor and His World (New York: Macmillan, 1952), 121–22.Google Scholar This biography is the best single source for information on Irving and the Davenport exposure incident. See Menpes, Mortimer, Henry Irving (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1908), pp. 1820Google Scholar, for an account of living's recollection of this event. Irving and his colleagues were far from alone in attempting to replicate these phenomena; see Podmore, 2, p. 59. After several efforts of qualified success, the famous conjurors Maskelyne and Cooke replicated all the Davenport phenomena at the Crystal Palace in 1869. However, they performed the tricks with the usual conjuror's secrecy about method, leading those who had believed in the Davenports to conclude not that the brothers had been frauds but that Maskelyne and Cooke were, in fact, spirit mediums. In any case, the mere fact that the phenomena could be produced by practical means would not convince a spiritualist that the original phenomena had been produced in that way. George W. Smith-Buck, a magician who performed under the name Herr Dobler, published an Expose of the Davenport Brothers (Belfast: D. & J. Allen) in 1869, showing the trick of “The Spirit Tying,” used by the Davenports, and also other details of their routine (p. 20ff). He presented his expose to the public in England in the early 1870s. Later in their career, the Davenports hired a young Harry Kellar as their assistant. Kellar would go on to become the dean of American magicians and mentor to Houdini. Houdini himself claimed to have met the one remaining Davenport brother in 1909, at which time he confirmed his suspicion that their phenomena had been produced by trickery. But then again, he also wrongly reports that living's collaborator in the Manchester exposure had been Edward A. Sothern! (A Magician Among Oie Spirits, 17–37).

10 Craig, Edward Gordon, Henry Irving (1930; rpt. New York: Blom, 1969), 110.Google Scholar

11 Mayer, David, ed., Henry Irving and The Bells: Irving's Personal Script of the Play (Manchester Manchester University Press, 1980), 71.Google Scholar

12 Quoted in Jones-Evans, Eric, “With Irving and The Bells: A Memoir,” in Mayer, ed., 26.Google Scholar

13 Review of Stoker, , et al. [books about Henry Irving], Edinburgh Review, 209Google Scholar, No. 427 (Jan. 1909), 33.

14 Arons, Hany, Techniques of Speed Hypnosis (So. Orange, N.J.: Power Publishers, 1953), 61.Google Scholar

15 Cook, William Wesley, Practical Lessons in Hypnotism (Chicago: Thompson & Thomas, 1900)Google Scholar, opposite 96.

16 Review of Stoker et. al., 33.

17 Jones, Henry Arthur, The Shadow of Henry Irving (1931; rpt. New York: Blom, 1969), 15.Google Scholar

18 Ibid., 81.

19 Ibid., 13. For further discussion of some of these issues, I would draw the reader's attention to my forthcoming book, Henry Irving's “Waterloo”: Theatrical Engagements with Arthur Oman Doyle, George Bernard Shaw, Ellen Terry, Edward Gordon Craig, Late Victorian Culture, Assorted Ghosts, Old Men, War, and History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).