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Staging the York Creation, and Fall of Lucifer

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 July 2009

Extract

The Creation, and Fall of Lucifer by the York Realist was intended to provide a spectacular opening for the Corpus Christi cycle, of which the city of York felt very proud in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Since the York Realist appears to have been particularly sensitive to the conditions of production, this opening play provides a useful focus for attention to the staging used in the York cycle. The internal evidence of the Realist's Creation, and Fall of Lucifer demonstrates that he was not writing a mere literary exercise, but kept in mind the specifics of stage production.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society for Theatre Research 1976

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References

1 See Davidson, Clifford, “The Realism of the York Realist and the York Passion,” Speculum, 50 (1975), 270283CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hardison, O. B. Jr., Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages (Baltimore, 1965), pp. 134Google Scholar. On the York Realist, wsee also Robinson, J. W., “The Art of the York Realist,” Modern Philology, 60 (19621963), 241251CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davidson, Clifford, “Civic Concern and Iconography in the York Passion,” Annuale Mediaevale, 15 (1974), 125149Google Scholar. Quotations from the York plays in this paper are from the edition of Lucy Toulmin Smith (1885).

2 See especially Stevens, Martin, “The York Cycle: From Procession to Play,” Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 6 (1972), 3761Google Scholar; Kahrl, Stanley J., Traditions of Medieval English Drama (London, 1974), pp. 3152Google Scholar; Nelson, Alan H., The Medieval English Stage (Chicago, 1974), passimGoogle Scholar. For earlier studies, see Davidson, Charles, Studies in the Early Mystery Plays (New Haven, 1892)Google Scholar, and Pierson, Merle, “The Relation of the Corpus Christi Procession to the Corpus Christi Play in England,” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 18 (1916), 110160Google Scholar. Our understanding of the origin of the York plays may, however, be modified by the publication of the York records by the University of Toronto Press next year.

3 See Panofsky, Erwin, Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), I, passimGoogle Scholar.

4 Richard Rastell of the University of Leeds has suggested to us'that the portion of the Te Deum utilized in the play might have involved “instant polyphony” achieved through the use of English discant, which could have been easily provided by musicians from the cathedral. Such practice would have cut down the performance time for the angels' music to a minimum—i.e., to approximately one minute for both segments of the Te Deum.

5 Stevens, pp. 52–55.

6 Nelson, pp. 65–78. Nevertheless, we are very much indebted to Professor Nelson since he has forced us to examine every facet of production with regard to the York plays.

7 Johnston, Alexandra F. and Dorrell, Margaret, “The Doomsday Pageant of the York Mercers, 1433,” Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 5 (1971), 29Google Scholar.

8 Johnston, Alexandra F. and Dorrell, Margaret, “The York Mercers and their Pageant of Doomsday, 1433–1526,” Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 6 (1972), 10Google Scholar. The angels should be made to form a moving circle behind Christ the Judge, as in painted glass at Fairford. See Farmer, Oscar G., Fairford Church and Its Stained Glass Windows, 8th ed. (Fairford, 1968), pp. 2729Google Scholar. The Johnston-Dorrell reconstruction, furthermore, would have been extremely clumsy to move into place from station to station, and also would have been useless as a platform from which to show a tableau vivant: only persons on one side of the street would be able to view it. See also footnote 9, below.

9 Johnston, and Dorrell, , “The Doomsday Pageant of the York Mercers, 1433,” p. 29Google Scholar. Johnston and Dorrell clearly misread “the bakke syde,” which should indicate the rear of the wagon (see OED, s.v. backside). Having the painted cloth on the rear of the wagon also would give the advantage of providing a thrust stage, rather than the less satisfactory shallow stage posited by Johnston and Dorrell.

10 Young, M. James, “The York Pageant Wagon,” Speech Monographs, 34 (1967), 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Young argues for a stage no larger than ten feet in width and twenty in length.

11 If the stage were unusually cramped for space, we conjecture that the throne could even be as small as two feet square if the seat of the throne were placed very high and were given the shape of a misericord; hence God though appearing to be seated would actually have been leaning back on a support. This arrangement would also have eliminated the need for more than a nine-inch platform under the throne, and yet God would have appeared to be at a higher level than the angels he had just created.

12 Farmer, pp. 27–29.

13 See Lightfoot, G. H., “Mural Paintings in St. Peter's Church, Pickering,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 13 (1895), 367Google Scholar.

14 Nicoll, Allardyce, Masks, Mimes, and Miracles (London, 1931), p. 206Google Scholar.

15 Gibson, Peter, “The Stained and Painted Glass of York,” The Noble City of York, ed. Stacpoole, Alberic et al. (York, 1972), p. 116Google Scholar.

16 Pächt, Otto and Alexander, J. J. G., Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, III (Oxford, 1973), No. 137, Pl. XVGoogle Scholar; James, M. R., Illustrations of the Book of Genesis (Oxford, 1921), p. 23Google Scholar.

17 Gibson, pp. 125–26.

18 Chambers, E. K., The Mediaeval Stage (Oxford, 1903), II, 388Google Scholar.

19 Johnston, and Dorrell, , “The Doomsday Pageant of the York Mercers, 1433,” p. 29Google Scholar.

20 Gibson, p. 126; James, p. 23. On the cross-nimbus in English art, cf. Cave, C. J. P., Roof Bosses in Medieval Churches (Cambridge, 1948), p. 25Google Scholar: “It is not always possible to distinguish between the Father and the Son. An aged figure with a cross-nimbus may quite well represent the Son. But there are a few cases where it is possible to say that the Father is intended.” According to the tradition established by Hebrews 1:10, the Son was given credit for the Creation of the world. The text of the York Creation supports the practice of art, which normally saw a single God doing the creating of the angels and the world; this God was the Father, though he included some of the iconography of the Son.

21 Rushforth, G. McN., Medieval Christian Imagery (1936), p. 149Google Scholar; The Sherbourne Missal, introd. Herbert, J. A. (Oxford, 1920), Pl. XXIXbGoogle Scholar. The illumination in the Sherbourne Missal is by John Siferwas.

22 Sherbourne Missal, Pl. XXIXb.

23 Cave, , Roof Bosses, p. 222Google Scholar; An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in the City of York, III (Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, 1972), 6, Pl. 43Google Scholar. See also Woodforde, Christopher, The Norwich School of Glass-Painting in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1950), pp. 142143Google Scholar.

24 Johnston, and Dorrell, , “The Doomsday Pageant of the York Mercers, 1433,” pp. 3233Google Scholar.

25 de Voragine, Jacobus, The Golden Legend, trans. Ryan, Granger and Ripperger, Helmut (London, 1941), pp. 581582Google Scholar.

26 Gee, E. A., “The Painted Glass of All Saints' Church, North Street, York,” Archaeologia, 102 (1969), 170174, Pls. XXXII-XXXVCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Knowles, John A., “The West Window, St. Martin-le-Grand, Coney Street, York,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 38 (1955), 170172Google Scholar.

28 Anderson, M. D., Drama and Imagery in English Medieval Churches (Cambridge, Eng., 1963), p. 167, Pl. 18Google Scholar. See also the thorough study of the carved angels at Warwick in Chatwin, Philip B., “The Decoration of the Beauchamp Chapel, Warwick, With Special Reference to the Sculptures,” Archaeologia, 77 (1927), 313334CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The collars which represent rays of light are only utilized at Warwick for the very highest orders, the Cherubin and Seraphin. See Chatwin, Pls. LVIII-LX. On costumes for the angels, see also Rushforth, p. 25.

29 Sharp, Thomas, A Dissertation on the Pageants or Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry (Coventry, 1825), pp. 5556, 71Google Scholar. Cave notes that the most common garments worn by angels on roof bosses are the alb and amice; however, the higher orders of angels, which would be represented in resplendent feathers and without a covering garment, are not very often shown on bosses (Roof Bosses, pp. 50–51).

30 Milner-White, Eric, Friends' Annual Report, 19 (1947), 26Google Scholar

31 Wickham, Glynne, Early English Stages 1300 to 1660 (London, 1959), I, 266267Google Scholar.

32 Dutka, JoAnna, “Music and the English Mystery Plays,” Comparative Drama, 7 (1973), 144145Google Scholar.

33 Chester Plays, Banns, 1. 122Google Scholar. See also Gibson's discussion of the glass in St. Michael, Spurriergate, pp. 202–03.

34 Johnston, and Dorrell, , “The Doomsday Pageant of the York Mercers, 1433,” p. 29Google Scholar; Johnston, and Dorrell, , “The York Mercers and Their Pageant,” p. 30Google Scholar.

35 Sharp, p. 31.

36 Sharp, p. 69.

37 Sharp, pp. 56–57.

38 This fifteenth-century manuscript contains illuminations which connnect it with the painted glass in All Saints, North Street, York. See Pächt and Alexander, No. 803.

39 Hanning, R. W., “‘You have begun a parlous pleye’: The Nature and Limits of Dramatic Mimesis as a Theme in Four Middle English ‘Fall of Lucifer’ Cycle Plays,” Comparative Drama. 7 (1973), 29Google Scholar.

40 See Davidson, , “The Realism of the York Realist and the York Passion,” pp. 281282Google Scholar.

41 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Tenth Annual Conference on Medieval Studies, sponsored by the Medieval Institute of Western Michigan University. Research for this paper was supported in part by a Faculty Research Fellowship from Western Michigan University.