¹ See Avery, Myrtilla, The Exultet Rolls of South Italy II (Princeton 1936) 35 and plate CLII; vol. II of this work is unfortunately still the only one published and contains besides the plates only short ‘Descriptive Notes’ on the rolls, including references to the older literature. A detailed description of Barb. lat. 592, with facsimiles not only of the pictures but also of the entire text, is found in S. Pieralisi, Il Preconio Pasquale conforme all'insigne frammento del Codice Barberiniano (Rome 1883) 1–41, and plates. Cf. also É. Bertaux, L'art dans l'Italie méridionale (Paris 1904) 227, and Toesca, P., Storia dell'Arte Italiana I (Turin 1927) 1132.Google Scholar

² ‘The “Portraits” of Emperors in Southern Italian Exultet Rolls and the Liturgical Commemoration of the Emperor,’ Speculum 17 (1942) 181ff. For the fact that in most Exultet rolls the pictures are placed upside down in relation to the text (see Plate 2), see now the explanations given by Professor Cavallo, in his book cited in note 10.Google Scholar

³ See, especially, ‘Die Miniaturen zweier Exultet-Rollen: London Add. 30337; Vat. Barb. lat. 592,’ Scriptorium 8 (1954) 75ff. and 205ff.Google Scholar

⁴ See Avery, op. cit. 19f. and plates XLIIIFF.Google Scholar

⁵ See Avery, op. cit. 30f. and plates CXXXFF.Google Scholar

⁶ Loew, E. A. (= Lowe), The Beneventan Script (Oxford 1914) 365 and 72.Google Scholar

⁷ See Bloch, H., ‘Monte Cassino, Byzantium, and the West in the Earlier Middle Ages,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 (1946) 193ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ See Baldass (n. 3 supra) 82ff.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid. 205f.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Baldass’ suggestion, op. cit. 217, that the prototype of the pictures in the Barberini and London rolls was a cycle of illustrations of the Exultet hymn, contemporary with the latter's origin at the end of the fourth and turn of the fifth century, remains unproven; see also Cavallo, G., Rotuli di Exultet dell'Italia meridionale (Bari 1973) 43, note 86. Undoubtedly, many elements of late-ancient provenance entered into the illustration of the Exultet rolls, either via Byzantium or directly; as far as the rolls of the Desiderian age and ambiente are concerned, their retrospective character forms a part of the cultural aspects of the great Hildebrandian Church reform, in which the South Italians Desiderius of Monte Cassino and Archbishop Alfanus I of Salerno were important protagonists (see below), whose aspirations to religious, literary, and artistic renewal comprised both classical and early Christian components; see the studies by N. Acocella and E. Kitzinger, cited in notes 35 and 36, also C. Bertelli's review of Acocella's book on Alfanus’ verse legends for Desiderius’ Basilica of Monte Cassino in Studi Medievali, Ser. III, 7 (1966), esp. p. 252.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Baldass, op. cit. 84ff.Google Scholar

¹² (Note 2 supra) 186f.Google Scholar

¹³ See ibid. 186. Belting, H., ‘Byzantine Art Among the Greeks and Latins in Southern Italy,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28 (1974) 21f., corroborates my view of the non-portrait character of the imperial images in the Exultet roll Bari I, through his analysis of the un-Byzantine, unrealistic use of the emperors’ insignia, but this does not seem to invalidate the fact that the physiognomic types correspond to those of Basil II and Constantine VIII on their coins. Babudri, F., L'exultet di Bari del sec. XI (Bari 1959) 49ff., ignores both the stereotyped character of the imperial commemoration and the similarity of the images to the coins of Basil II and his brother and co-emperor.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The seal most similar, to the image of the emperor in the Barberini roll is Henry III's first imperial seal (Plate 3), which occurs between January 3, 1047, and the emperor's death in 1056; see Posse, O., Die Siegel der deutschen Kaiser und Könige I (Dresden 1909) plate 15.1, V (1913) p. 20.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For the miniatures, metal bulls, and coins representing Henry III, see Schramm, P. E., Die deutschen Kaiser und Könige in Bildern ihrer Zeit (751–1152) (Leipzig 1928) Figs. 99–106 and text volume, pp. 124ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Steindorff, E., Jahrbücher des deutschen Reichs unter Heinrich III. I (Leipzig 1874, repr. Darmstadt 1963) 323f.; Henry III's diploma for Monte Cassino, dated Capua, February 3, 1047, in MGH Dipl. 5.1.227ff., No. 184.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Schramm, , op. cit. Figs. 108–113 and text volume, pp. 135ff.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid. Fig. 110a–r, text volume, p. 136; see also the juxtaposition of Henry III's Minden penny and Henry IV's Duisburg penny in Lange, K., Münzkunst des Mittelalters (Leipzig 1942) Figs. 12 and 13.Google Scholar

¹⁹ It is true that Abbot Desiderius of Monte Cassino tried to maintain a middle position between Henry IV and Gregory VII, as he did between Gregory and the Normans. Yet, in spite of the assertions of J. Haller, Das Papsttum II (Rowohlts Deutsche Enzyklopädie; 1965) 303 and 437, and earlier historians, it is by no means certain that we can believe the unreliable chronicler Petrus Diaconus of Monte Cassino, who reports (MGH Scriptt. 7.741) that Desiderius in 1082 abandoned the cause of Gregory VII and received a privilege for Monte Cassino from Henry IV; see also MGH Dipl. 6.684, No. 14.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Gilson, J. P., British Museum, An Exultet Roll Illuminated in the XIth Century at the Abbey of Monte Cassino, Reproduced from Add. Ms. 30337 (London 1929) plate 19 and text, p. 12.Google Scholar

²¹ The commemoration pictures of the British Museum roll are unfortunately lost, yet the commemorations themselves survive and are identical with those of the Barberini roll, as far as emperor and count are concerned — the text of the commemorations of pope and bishop are lost in the Barberinus. In the roll Vat. lat. 3784 neither the text nor the pictures of the commemorations have been preserved.Google Scholar

²² See Leo of Ostia, Chronica Monasterii Casinensis 2.74 (MGH Scriptt. 7.681); cf. Steindorff, op. cit. I, 271f. A detailed account of relations between Monte Cassino and Atenulf, first as count of Aquino, then as duke of Gaeta, is found in the excellent study by P. Fedele, ‘Il Ducato di Gaeta all'inizio della conquista normanna,’ Archivio Storico per le Province Napoletane 29 (1904) 50ff.Google Scholar

²³ See Douglas, D. C., The Norman Achievement 1050–1100 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1969) 194f.; Palmarocchi, R., L'Abbazia di Monte Cassino e la conquista normanna (Rome 1913) passim; Chalandon, F., Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile I (Paris 1907) passim; Heinemann, L. v., Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien und Sicilien I (Leipzig 1894) passim; Hirsch, F., ‘Desiderius von Monte Cassino als Papst Victor III.,’ Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 7 (1867) 1ff., and id., ‘Amatus von Monte Cassino und seine Geschichte der Normannen,’ ibid. 8 (1868) especially 274f. and 290. For Desiderius’ role in the development of papal–Norman relations under Nicholas II, Alexander II, Gregory VII, and during his own pontificate as Victor III, see also the study by Kehr, P. cited in note 25.Google Scholar

²⁴ See Amatus of Cassino, Monte, History of the Normans 4.13, ed. V. De Bartholomaeis (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia 76; Rome 1935) 191f.; Leo of Ostia, op. cit. 3.15, pp. 707f.Google Scholar

²⁵ For the enfeoffment of Richard I of Aversa with the principality of Capua, Kehr, P., ‘Die Belehnungen der süditalienischen Normannenfürsten durch die Päpste (1059–1192),’ Abh. Akad. Berlin 1934, esp. 15ff. and 22f.; see also Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, Italia Pontificia, ed. P. F. Kehr, VIII (Berlin 1938; repr. 1961) 10f., Nos. 10 and 14, and 205, Nos. 20 and 21. In connection with the commemoration of a count in the Barberini and British Museum rolls it is finally interesting to observe that in both cases a blank space was left for the name. This may reflect the highly unstable political situation of the region at the time. In the British Museum roll, which according to Baldass, op. cit. 87f. is probably of a slightly earlier date than the Barb. lat. 592, an attempt was made to erase the words comitis nostri, cf. J. P. Gilson, op. cit. plate 19; whereas Gilson, p. 6, is probably too certain of the identity of the comes with Count Richard I of Aversa, one must consider among several possible explanations for the attempted erasure of the count's title Richard's rise to princely rank in Capua — or for that matter the vicissitudes of Count Atenulf of Aquino's acquisition of the Duchy of Gaeta, and perhaps also his gradual eclipse as protector of Monte Cassino in consequence of Richard's especially close relations with Abbot Desiderius. In the Barberini roll, the count's title is untouched by erasure, but the blank space after it may have been tampered with, though no remnant of a name can today be seen; I am grateful to P. Alphons Stickler, S.D.B., the Prefect of the Vatican Library, and to the Vice-Prefect, Mons. José Ruys-schaert, for permission to remove the Barberini fragments from their protective covers and to examine them under a quartz lamp; also to my friend Dr. Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, Scriptor of the Vatican Library, for scrutinizing both sides of the parchment of Barb. lat. 592 (5) with me; no names or traces of names, inserted between the lines or written elsewhere on either side, are visible.Google Scholar

²⁶ In 1073, 1078, and 1084.Google Scholar

²⁷ See my book Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters I (Vatican City 1941) 195–218 and plates XIX and XX.Google Scholar

²⁸ For the portrait of Leo IX from St. Arnulf in Metz, in Cod. 292 of the Stadtbibliothek in Bern, see ibid. I, 180ff. and plate XVIIIa.Google Scholar

²⁹ For the portrait of Victor II in the so-called Gundecharianum of the Cathedral Chapter Archives in Eichstädt, see ibid. I, 188f. and plate XVIIIb.Google Scholar

³⁰ For some remarks on the literary portraits of Gregory VII, see ibid. I, 216.Google Scholar

³¹ The ornamental strip without crosses which runs down vertically from the collar of the chasuble does not seem to be the archiepiscopal pallium, but an archbishop may nevertheless be represented, since the pope's chasuble, too, is decorated in the same manner (and so is the dalmatic of the deacon).Google Scholar

³² See Avery, op. cit. plate CLXVI, text, p. 37. Here two archbishops with pallium (but without mitre or crozier) stand on the pope's right side; other bishops or priests form part of the group on both sides; the pope, too, is bareheaded and has the square nimbus. This eleventh century roll has nothing to do with Monte Cassino, but seems related to the oldest type of Exultet rolls, which is Beneventan. See Vat. lat. 9820 and Casanat. 724 B 13, Avery, op. cit. plates CXXXVFF. and CXVIIIFF., text, pp. 31ff. and 29f. For the origin of the cycle of illustrations in the two last-mentioned Exultet rolls and in the Pontifical and Benediction of the Baptismal Font, likewise contained in the roll Casanat. 724 B 13, in Benevento in the second half of the tenth century, see Belting, H., Studien zur beneventanischen Malerei (Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte und christlichen Archäologie 7; Wiesbaden 1968) 144–183 and 230ff.Google Scholar

³³ See, for instance, Vat. lat. 9820; cf. Avery, op. cit. plate CXLIV.Google Scholar

³⁴ See, for instance, the rolls Bari I and Gaeta I, both of the eleventh century; cf. Avery, op. cit. plates XI and XXXIII; in the Vat. lat. 9820, the pope is flanked by St. Peter and St. Paul, cf. Avery, op. cit. plate CXLIII.Google Scholar

³⁵ For Alfanus I of Salerno, see the biographical study and bibliographical survey by Acocella, N., ‘La figura e l'opera di Alfano I di Salerno,’ Rassegna Storica Salernitana 19 (1958) 1ff., and 20 (1959) 17ff.; also id., La decorazione pittorica di Montecassino dalle didascalie di Alfano I (sec. XI) (Salerno 1966); for Alfanus’ relationship to the medical school of Salerno, see Bloch, op. cit. 218ff., Kristeller, P. O., ‘The School of Salerno,’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine 17 (1945) 149ff. Alfanus’ poem to Hildebrand is in PL 147.1262f.; also PL 147.1234ff. his poem on Monte Cassino and Desiderius’ new buildings there. Another important figure in the South Italian religious–cultural renewal of the age of Alfanus, Desiderius, and Gregory VII is the monk Amatus of Monte Cassino, who dedicated his History of the Normans (see above) to Desiderius and a long poem on St. Peter with incidental praise of Gregory VII to the latter; see Lentini, A., Il Poema di Amato su S. Pietro Apostolo I–II (Miscellanea Cassinese 30–31; Montecassino 1958–1959).Google Scholar

³⁶ Kitzinger, E., ‘The Gregorian Reform and the Visual Arts: A Problem of Method,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Ser. V, 22 (1972) 87ff.; id., ‘The First Mosaic Decoration of Salerno Cathedral,’ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 21 (1972) 149ff.Google Scholar