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Robert Lychlade's Oxford Sermon of 1395

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Extract

In the mid-1390s, a group of Oxford scholars caused the authorities some concern because of their Lollard sympathies, and for propagating heretical teachings at the university. Among them was Robert Lychlade, singled out by name in the following royal directive to the chancellor of Oxford dated 18 July 1395:

We have learned reliably that some sons of iniquity, without heed of their salvation, living and studying at this university, and above all Robert Lychlade, who is allowed to speak there contemptuously (prophane), have been publishing, communicating, and teaching for some time, in that university as well as other secret places, impious opinions and conclusions as well as detestable allegations that are in many ways contrary to the Catholic faith. They are said to have been sowing them like tares among the people, and they still intend to publish, communicate, and teach them in a way that is wrongful and worthy of condemnation, in order to hurt the Catholic faith and openly subvert the aforesaid university, unless they are held in check by the arm of our royal majesty…. We command you firmly to remove and expel all Lollards and others who live in the university and are openly suspected of heretical depravity, and especially the aforementioned Robert, if he, through examination or any other lawful means, should be found before you to be such as should be feared to taint the university, just as an ailing sheep taints the flock.

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References

1 De lollardis et aliis heresim predicantibus extra vniuersitatem Oxon’ ammouendis [marginal]. R. Cancellario vniuersitatis sue Oxon’ salutem. Cum prout ex certa relacione sane didicimus quidam iniquitatis filii sue salutis immemores in vniuersitate predicta commorantes et scolarizantes et presertim Robertus Lychlade qui prophane conuersari permittitur in eadem opiniones nepharias ac conclusiones et allegaciones detestabiles fidei catholice multipliciter repugnantes in vniuersitate illa ac aliis locis clandestinis a diu est publicauerint communicauerint et docuerint et tanquam zizannia in populo seminauerint et adhuc publicare communicare et docere intendunt dampnabiliter et inique in fidei catholice lesionem et vniuersitatis predicte subuersionem euidentem nisi brachio regie magestatis cicius resistatur Nos ne populus regni nostri cuius regimen nobis ab alto comittitur per huiusmodi opiniones nepharias ac conclusiones et allegaciones detestabiles latentis inimici nequicia indies inualescente quomodolibet inficiatur desiderantes vniuersitatem illam que rore et deliciis sciencie literalis et virtutis hactenus potissime reflorebat ab huiusmodi erroribus quatenus poterimus expurgari vobis precipimus firmiter iniungentes quod omnes et singulas lollardos et alios prauitate heretica notorie suspectos in vniuersitate predicta commorantes et presertim prefatum Robertum si per inquisicionem vel alio modo legitimo ipsum talem coram vobis reperiri contigerit qui eandem vniuersitatem tanquam ouis morbida gregem inficere formidatur ab eadem vniuersitate ammoueri et expelli ac rebelles quos in hac parte inueneritis coram nobis et consilio nostro de tempore in tempus duci fac’ vt tunc pro eorum punicione ordinare valeamus prout de auisamento dicti consilii nostri fore viderimus salubrius faciendum T[este] R. apud Ledes. xviii die Julii [blank] per ipsum Regem et consilium”: PRO, Chancery, Close Rolls, C54/237, m. 24. British Crown copyright material in the Public Record Office, reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Britannic Majesty's Stationery Office. I am grateful to Maureen Jurkowski for her help.Google Scholar

2 See Catto, J. I., “Wyclif and Wycliffism at Oxford 1356–1430,” in Catto, J. I. and Evans, Ralph, eds., The History of the University of Oxford, vol. 2: Late Medieval Oxford (Oxford, 1992), 175261, esp. at 226.Google Scholar

3 “Absque causa racionabili bannitus fuisset sicut dicit”: PRO, Chancery, Patent Rolls, C66/356, m. 38.Google Scholar

4 Friend, Albert C., “The Dangerous Theme of the Pardoner,” Modern Language Quarterly 18 (1957): 305–8, at 305.Google Scholar

5 The same quotation occurs again as a simple authority in a later sermon (Z–24), fol. 74va. For the use of 1 Tim. 6:10 as a genuine sermon thema, see Gillmeister, Heiner, “Chaucer's Pardoner's Tale as a Poetic Sermon,” Poetica [Tokyo] 29–30 (1989): 5879.Google Scholar

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Robert Lychlade's Oxford Sermon Google Scholar

7 I am grateful to the librarian of the Bibliothèque Municipale, Arras, for giving me access to the manuscript and providing a microfilm, and for permission to reproduce the text.Google Scholar

8 cruciendos MS.Google Scholar

9 contempnandus MS.Google Scholar

10 predicaciones … impediens] MS. Perhaps read: predicatores … impedientes.Google Scholar

11 primo MS.Google Scholar

12 teptat MS.Google Scholar

13 vel laudis written twice MS.Google Scholar

14 numerus MS.Google Scholar

15 om. MS.Google Scholar

102 John 17:3.Google Scholar

103 1 Pet. 5:8.Google Scholar

104 Cf. 1 Pet. 5:9.Google Scholar

105 Jer. 23:32.Google Scholar

106 1 Tim. 6:10.Google Scholar

107 Gregory Hom. in Ev. 1.17.7 (PL 76.1142).Google Scholar

16 pccis MS.Google Scholar

17 non fingunt MS.Google Scholar

18 per MS.Google Scholar

19 reprobus MS.Google Scholar

20 inheat MS.Google Scholar

21 pro MS.Google Scholar

108 Acts 23:7 and John 7:43, 10:19.Google Scholar

109 Matt. 21:10.Google Scholar

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111 1 Tim. 5:6.Google Scholar

112 Rev. 3:1.Google Scholar

113 Phil. 3:19.Google Scholar

114 Eph. 5:18.Google Scholar

22 feminarum MS.Google Scholar

23 vidit MS.Google Scholar

24 Text illegible MS. For the text referred to, see below, n. 118.Google Scholar

25 in … Mattheum] m'i super MS.Google Scholar

26 vi cũ MS. Pseudo-Chrysostom reads: “conditionem eorum.” Google Scholar

27 clici MS.Google Scholar

28 seculi MS.Google Scholar

115 Jerome Comm. ad Titum (PL 26.601).Google Scholar

116 Jerome Ep. 54.10 (CSEL 54.477).Google Scholar

117 Ezek. 16:49.Google Scholar

118 Ps. 61:10.Google Scholar

119 Peraldus, William, Summa vitiorum, tract. 4, part 2, ch. 1 (Lyons, 1668), 81. The passage Lychlade refers to reads: “Aliter etiam punitur usurarius pro temporis venditione. Cum enim vendiderit requiem noctis et lucem diei, merito istis carebit. Unde fatuus est sacerdos qui cantat pro eo: ‘Requiem aeternam dona eis, Domine’ etc., cum petit usurario restitui quod vendidit, praecipue cum usurarius pretium solvere noluerit. Scriptum est enim Ezechielis 7: ‘Qui vendit, ad id, quod vendidit, non revertetur.’ ” In medieval texts, Peraldus is often called “Parisiensis.” Google Scholar

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121 Rom. 1:22.Google Scholar

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29 matrem MS.Google Scholar

30 horis MS.Google Scholar

31 obstreccionem MS.Google Scholar

32 pellancia MS.Google Scholar

33 ostendat MS.Google Scholar

34 obstenutatem MS.Google Scholar

35 excrentur MS.Google Scholar

36 feiarum MS.Google Scholar

37 unius matrimonii] vnio matrimoniali MS.Google Scholar

38 opera MS.Google Scholar

39 qodam modo MS.Google Scholar

40 om. MS; cf 1 Kgs. 19:10. Google Scholar

41 raro MS.Google Scholar

42 occ't MS.Google Scholar

43 tollentem MS.Google Scholar

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124 Acts 20:28–30.Google Scholar

125 1 Kgs. 19:10.Google Scholar

44 sequatur … percutiat] om. MS.Google Scholar

45 interrogatis MS.Google Scholar

46 The bifolium consisting of fols. 35/42 was misplaced before the medieval foliation and rubrication were entered. Signe de renvoi on fol. 34v.Google Scholar

47 planetarum MS.Google Scholar

48 11] written 1°1° MS.Google Scholar

49 apparently corrected from tantus or cautus? MS.Google Scholar

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127 Lam. 4:1.Google Scholar

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129 Decretum D. 23, c. 2 (Friedberg 1:293); from Gregory, Regula pastoralis 1.2 (PL 77.16).Google Scholar

50 source: crinitorum.Google Scholar

51 mencionem MS.Google Scholar

52 om. MS.Google Scholar

53 prēs MS.Google Scholar

54 cum MS.Google Scholar

55 denique or demet MS.Google Scholar

56 suffracinate MS.Google Scholar

57 om. MS.Google Scholar

58 vitam MS.Google Scholar

59 et mandata written twice MS.Google Scholar

60 sic MS.Google Scholar

61 aduocandi MS.Google Scholar

62 om. MS.Google Scholar

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131 1 John 2:4.Google Scholar

132 John 12:50.Google Scholar

133 Ps. 127:2.Google Scholar

134 2 Thess. 3:10.Google Scholar

63 tempore MS.Google Scholar

64 om. MS.Google Scholar

65 alias MS.Google Scholar

66 source: nonne illic inveniunt.Google Scholar

67 operare MS.Google Scholar

68 nesse MS.Google Scholar

69 quod legit om. MS.Google Scholar

70 cond. MS.Google Scholar

71 Antequam MS.Google Scholar

72 nequaquam MS.Google Scholar

73 cui MS.Google Scholar

74 source: successura.Google Scholar

75 passum MS.Google Scholar

76 passum MS.Google Scholar

77 de qua] a'o MS.Google Scholar

78 tamen MS.Google Scholar

79 ypocrite MS.Google Scholar

135 Augustine, , De opere monachorum 17.20 (CSEL 41.564).Google Scholar

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138 Gal. 6:14.Google Scholar

139 Wisd. 7:24.Google Scholar

140 Matt. 6:2.Google Scholar

80 pe MS.Google Scholar

81 eternorum MS.Google Scholar

82 istam cognicionem marked for transposition MS.Google Scholar

83 ipso MS. This sentence, with some emendation, allows various readings. My suggestion is based on its putative parallelism with the following two sentences. Google Scholar

84 om. MS.Google Scholar

85 fi'ci MS.Google Scholar

86 huc MS.Google Scholar

87 c'atum MS.Google Scholar

88 coscit MS.Google Scholar

141 Ps. 40:2.Google Scholar

142 Sir. 12:1.Google Scholar

143 Decretals 1.1.2 (Friedberg 2:7). 144 Rom. 1:20.Google Scholar

145 1 Cor. 13:12.Google Scholar

146 1 Cor. 13:12.Google Scholar

89 m'i MS.Google Scholar

90 non aliter] qualite (?) MS.Google Scholar

91 om. MS.Google Scholar

92 excludunt MS.Google Scholar

93 oms MS.Google Scholar

94 om. MS.Google Scholar

95 distortes MS.Google Scholar

96 possibly canceled, MS.Google Scholar

97 i'i MS.Google Scholar

98 solitus MS.Google Scholar

99 quia [canceled ?] quod MS.Google Scholar

147 Ps. 118:130.Google Scholar

148 Cf. John 17:3.Google Scholar

149 Phil. 2:8.Google Scholar

150 Ps. 136:9.Google Scholar

151 1 Cor. 3:11.Google Scholar

100 amicus MS.Google Scholar

101 〈omnium〉 MS.Google Scholar

152 Catto speaks of him as master (“Mr”), but there seems to be no evidence of Lychlade's having incepted: “Wyclif,” 226.Google Scholar

153 See Statuta antiqua Universitatis Oxoniensis, ed. Gibson, Strickland (Oxford, 1931), 52 (before a.d. 1350); my translation. According to later statutes (1431), the preaching calendar was carefully planned and announced, and copies of these university sermons were to be deposited with the university; ibid. 236–38.Google Scholar

154 On this work, see Boyle, Leonard E., “The Oculus sacerdotis and Some Other Works of William of Pagula,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 5 (1955): 81110; reprinted as item IV in Boyle, , Pastoral Care, Clerical Education and Canon Law, 1200–1400 (London, 1981).Google Scholar

155 According to Latham, R. E. and Howlett, D. R., Dictionary of Medieval Latin From British Sources (Oxford, 1975–), under “dominus” 8.e, from the late twelfth century on, the word could designate any priest (besides, of course, referring to many other kinds of social superiors).Google Scholar

156 What is known about Robert Lychland has been gathered in Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to a.d. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957–59), 2:1184. The Robert Lychlade (or Lecchelad) here discussed may be the same as Robert Lemanesworthe de Lechlade, priest and fellow of Winchester College from 1394 to 1397. See Friend, , “Dangerous,” 307–8 and n. 11; Emden's date of admission seems incorrect. For Lychlade's later connection with Kemerton, see Hudson, Anne, “The Debate on Bible Translation, Oxford 1401,” English Historical Review 90 (1975): 1–18, at 12.Google Scholar

157 At an earlier date, 1376, Oxford monks had been used as informers on Wyclif's lectures; see Catto, , “Wyclif,” 204.Google Scholar

158 Owst, G. R., Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England: A Neglected Chapter in the History of English Letters and of the English People (Cambridge, 1933; repr. Oxford, 1961), 242–84.Google Scholar

159 Ibid., 262–64.Google Scholar

160 Ibid., 352–61.Google Scholar

161 For example, the contemporary Thomas Brunton, monk and bishop of Rochester, in Sermon 68, says that if one preaches about sins in general, the audience will take it with equanimity; but “if one preaches to the clergy specifically about false preachers who seek tithes rather than souls; or about flattering priests of Satan who always sing ‘Placebo’ and never ‘Dirige’; or if one preaches to lay people about how dangerous it is to use false measures, weights, and scales, or else false usury that is forbidden by every law,” they will smoke like green wood in the fire and slander and rail against the preacher: The Sermons of Thomas Brinton, Bishop of Rochester (1373–1389), ed. Devlin, Mary Aquinas, 2 vols. (London, 1954), 2, 311. Lychlade's quotation against failings of priests, taken from a very popular pastoral handbook (Oculus sacerdotis), was a commonplace in contemporary sermon literature; see Owst, , Literature, 278 and n. 1. For criticism of monastic failings, even in monastic sermons, see Wenzel, Siegfried, Monastic Preaching in the Age of Chaucer, The Morton W. Bloomfield Lectures on Medieval English Literature, 3 (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1993), 12–14.Google Scholar

162 For the Oculus sacerdotis, see above, n. 154. To such “orthodox” quotations one may add Grosseteste, even if the latter was a favorite authority for Wyclif and his followers; see Southern, R. W., Robert Grosseteste: The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe, 2d ed. (Oxford, 1992), 298309. But the two Grosseteste quotations used by Lychlade do not come from the bishop's famous speech before the curia of 1250 (of which a copy appears elsewhere in the Arras manuscript).Google Scholar

163 The closest echo of a Wycliffite tone may be Lychlade's remark that the devil's preachers are wont to “fidem sacre scripture … discruciare” (par. 2). An orthodox preacher would have been more likely to speak of undermining faith in the Church. But I make this distinction with a good deal of hesitation.Google Scholar

164 A good heretical text for comparison is the Twelve Conclusions affixed to the doors of Westminster Hall during the parliament of January-Februrary 1395; see Selections from English Wycliffite Writings, ed. Hudson, Anne (Cambridge, 1978), item 3.Google Scholar

165 There is a parallel to this notion in the English Wycliffe Sermons, vol. 1, ed. Hudson, Anne (Oxford, 1983), 641, lines 56–58. Thomas Wimbledon, in his sermon on “Redde rationem villicationis tue,” preached ca. 1387, declares that the Antichrist will come in the year 1400; see Wimbledon's Sermon “Redde rationem villicationis tue”: A Middle English Sermon of the Fourteenth Century , ed. Knight, lone Kemp (Pittsburgh, 1967), 116, lines 895–98.Google Scholar

166 See the quotation from Brunton, above, n. 161. Already Grosseteste declared that “ipsi pastores … personam Christi induti, non annunciantes, etsi non superadderent malitias alias, sunt Antichristi et satanas transfiguratus in angelum lucis”; Sermo 14 (preached before pope and cardinals in 1250), Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum, ed. Brown, Edward (London, 1690), 2:251.Google Scholar

167 The Lollard Twelve Conclusions were posted in February 1395 in Westminster and London; and on the same day as the royal order to examine and expel Lychlade was issued, a commission to examine Wyclif's Trialogus was established; see Hudson, Anne, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford, 1988), 92; and Catto, , “Wyclif,” 226.Google Scholar

168 See Wenzel, , Macaronic Sermons, 48; borrowings from Fasciculus morum are in fact more extensive than was noted there. I plan to conduct a more detailed analysis of the Arras manuscript separately.Google Scholar

169 See, for instance, Hudson, , Premature, 421–30.Google Scholar

170 The language of the respective document is of some importance here. Late medieval preachers were advised that moral criticism of the clergy should be spoken in Latin; see Wenzel, , Macaronic Sermons, 121. It is not clear in what language Lychlade gave this sermon; if it was a university sermon, it could have been preached in Latin.Google Scholar