Last updated 27/06/24: Online ordering is currently unavailable due to technical issues. We apologise for any delays responding to customers while we resolve this. For further updates please visit our website: https://www.cambridge.org/news-and-insights/technical-incident
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
The Somnium of John of Legnano, the great Bolognese lawyer of the fourteenth century, was first properly brought to the attention of scholars by G. W. Coopland in 1926. Professor Coopland's chief concern was with the relationship between this work and the much more famous Somnium Viridarii, composed about 1375 at the court of King Charles V of France, whose author made some substantial borrowings from John's slightly earlier work. Though he supplied a synopsis of its content, Coopland gave it as his opinion that John's work was not in itself of any great interest, apart from the section in it which is devoted to a defence of papal monarchy, a section which, as the author makes clear, incorporates into the Somnium a tract on this matter which he had composed previously. This probably is the most interesting part of John's much larger and more ambitious work, which seems to have been written in 1372, but our opinion is that the other sections have rather more in them to reward the reader than Coopland suggested. This is the justification for an attempt to describe the work in more detail than he did and to discuss briefly some parts of its content and arguments.
1 Coopland, G. W., ‘An Unpublished Work of John of Legnano: The Somnium of 1372,’ Nuovi Studi Medievali 2 (1925) 1–24. Coopland used the text of the presentation copy of John's work prepared for Gregory XI in 1376, Vatican MS lat. 2639, and all our references are to this MS. For a list of other MSS see McCall, J. P., ‘The Writings of John of Legnano with a List of Manuscripts,’ Traditio 23 (1967) 415–37.Google Scholar
2 For an up-to-date account of these and other ‘borrowings’ in the Somnium Viridarii , see Lièvre, M., ‘Les Sources du Somnium Viridarii,’ Romania 81 (1960) 483–91; for more detailed discussion see further de Lagarde, G., ‘Le Songe du Verger et les origines de Gallicanisme,’ Revue des sciences religieuses 14 (1934) 1–33, 219–37.Google Scholar
3 The text of the treatise has been printed, from Vat. MS Lat. 2639, by Ermini, G., ‘Un ignoto trattato De Principatu di Giovanni da Legnano,’ Studi di storia e diritto in onore di Carlo Calisse (Milan 1940) III 423–46.Google Scholar
4 We make this claim with due hesitation: John wrote in a period when plagiarism without acknowledgement was an accepted norm, and it is entirely possible that more in his Somnium is borrowed from others than we have realised. There is much borrowing in his De bello; the whole section on reprisals, e.g., is lifted more or less directly from Bartolus' Tractatus de Represaliis, a point not noted by Holland, T. E. in his excellent edition of the De bello (John of Legnano, Tractatus de Bello, de Represaliis et de Duello; London 1917).Google Scholar
5 There is a detailed biography in Bosdari, F., Giovanni da Legnano: canonista e uomo politico del 1300 (Bologna 1901); on this we have relied heavily.Google Scholar
6 ‘… qui cum diu philosophiae, artibus liberalibus studuisset, serum ad jus discendum se contulit’: Panziroli, , De claribus legibus interpretibus (Venice 1637) 437.Google Scholar
7 Bosdari, , op. cit. 5–6.Google Scholar
8 Zabarella, , Commentaria in Clementinas (Venice 1602) fol. 2rb; and see Ullman, W., The Origins of the Great Schism (London 1972) 148–49.Google Scholar
9 For a list of his writings, the surviving MSS and editions, see McCall, (n. 1 supra) 418–36.Google Scholar
10 Ed. Holland, (n. 4 supra). Google Scholar
11 On these see Valois, N., La France et le Grand Schisme d'Occident (Paris 1896) I 126–28; and Ullmann, , Origins of the Great Schism 133.Google Scholar
12 See Coopland, G. W., The Tree of Battles (Liverpool 1949) 33, and notes thereto.Google Scholar
13 Chaucer, , Canterbury Tales, the Clerk's Prologue, lines 34–35: and see McCall, J. P., ‘Chaucer and John of Legnano,’ Speculum 48 (1965) 484–89. It is worth noting that Chaucer regards John as famous both as a philosopher and as a lawyer.Google Scholar
14 Charles V's consultation of the lawyers is discussed by Delachenal, R., Histoire de Charles V (Paris 1909–31) IV 95 n. 1. Chaplais, P. prints the text of John of Legnano's advice to the Consuls of Millau on the same subject (which was plagiarised in the Songe du Verger) in ‘The Opinions of the Doctors of Bologna on the Sovereignty of Aquitaine, 1369: A Source of the Songe du Verger,’ Camden Miscellany 19 (1952) 70–78. Google Scholar
15 This was Mrs. Donovan's conclusion, after examining a number of the MSS. Pointers in this direction are the fact that John uses both present and past tenses when referring in the Somnium to further discussion of a matter in the De pace: that much of the material in the latter seems to be lifted whole out of other works of John's (of varying dates); and that, although already in the Somnium (whose MS is dateable to 1376) John is referring to the De pace, late MSS of the latter (e.g., Bibliotheca Marciana MS 2653 and Peterhouse Coll. Cambridge MS 173) contain material that is not in either of the best fourteenth-century MSS (Vatican MS Lat. 2639 and Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS Lat. 3199). The inference seems to be that John continued work on the De pace over a long period, revising and incorporating new matter. He refers to ‘circles’ and ‘trees’ that he has drawn in his own MS, which seem to have been intended to provide a key to the interrelation of the various ‘sciences’ — e.g., moral, theological, canonical, and natural science.Google Scholar
16 On Cardinal Pierre d'Estaing see Cardella, L., Memorio storiche de Cardinale (Rome 1793) II 224–27. Is this the same Cardinal Peter to whom Lucas de Penna, John's contemporary, dedicated his commentary on the Codex? See Ullmann, W., The Medieval Idea of Law (London 1946) 10.Google Scholar
17 Vatican MS Lat. 2639 fol. 247ra-b. The description — indeed the whole passage — is rather obscure, and it looks as if there are several scribal errors; but the description of the two brightest stars as placed ‘in dyademate vestro’ seems to make it clear that Gregory, to whom the work is dedicated, occupies the centre of the stage.Google Scholar
18 Nicomachean Ethics VI 3.Google Scholar
19 ‘Queritur ergo primo, an talis habitus sit sciencia. Primo ostenditur quod non sit sciencia … sciencia est habitus impossibilium aliter se habere, cum sit ex universalibus et necessariis elicitus (ut scribitur i et vi ethycorum, et primo posteriorum); habitus autem canonicus et legalis est possibile aliter se habere, cum legales et canonice disposiciones fluant et refluant productive et corrective.’ Vatican MS Lat. 2639 fol. 248vab. Google Scholar
20 ‘… principaliter ostenditur quod habitus ellicitus ex compilacionibus canonicis et legalibus non sit intellectus, nam intellectus est habitus principiorum (ut scribitur xi ethycorum): habitus autem legum et decretalium non est principiorum primorum cum leges et decretales non sunt prima principia, ymo sunt disposiciones a voluntate humana.’ Ibid. fol. 249rb .Google Scholar
21 ‘Primo sapiencia est habitus intellectus considerans abstracta (ut scribitur vi ethycorum); habitus autem ellicitus ex compilacionibus positivis non est abstractorum, ymo est actuum humanorum (iiii di., facte sunt, et c. erit, de constit., c. i et si., c. de legibus, 1. si et 1. lex est, ff. eo. tit., et i di., lex et c. consuetudo). Secundo, sapiencia est habitus qui versatur circa causas encium (ut scribitur vi ethycorum et in proemio metaphysice); habitus autem ellicitus ex legibus positivis non versatur circa causas encium, ymo circa causata ex operibus humanis, ut supra ostensum …. Octavo, sapiencia est habitus in cuius actu contemplativo finali consistit ultimus et perfectissimus gradus felicitatis humane (ut scribitur x ethycorum); talis autem non est habitus ellicitus ex legibus positivis cum illius habitus non sit actus contemplativus, ymo activus et praticus, ut supra monstratum est.’ Ibid. fol. 249rb–va. Google Scholar
22 Ibid. fol. 249va–b. This section of the argument in the text follows the argument about ars: I have reversed John's order, which is not itself very logical.Google Scholar
23 ‘Operacio artis est faccio … operacio autem habitus elliciti ex legibus positivis non est faccio, sed immanens accio.’ Ibid. fol. 249va .Google Scholar
24 Digest I. 1.Google Scholar
25 ‘Quoniam isti textus quibus habitus ellicitus ex legibus positivis dicitur quandoque ars quandoque sciencia quandoque prudencia quandoque sapiencia dicentur textus familiares producti de domo juriste … premittam discussionem horum habituum intellectualium, ut medulariter constare possit quis habitus sit legalis et canonicus, utendo et termis phylosophorum, ut propriis codicibus confundantur vituperantes et vilificantes hunc habitum.’ Vatican MS Lat. 2639 fols. 249vb–250ra .Google Scholar
26 The discussion of wisdom occupies ibid. fol. 250ra–va .Google Scholar
27 The discussion of science occupies ibid. fols. 250vb–251rb .Google Scholar
28 The discussion of understanding commences ibid. fol. 254va, and in John's work follows the discussion of prudence: I have rearranged the order of the argument for the sake of clarity.Google Scholar
29 The discussion of prudence commences ibid. fol. 251rb .Google Scholar
30 Ibid. fol. 251va-b .Google Scholar
31 Ibid. fols. 252vb–253ra .Google Scholar
32 Ibid. fols. 253va–254ra .Google Scholar
33 The discussion of art commences ibid. fol. 256va. The preceding folios have been taken up with long discussions about the difference between speculative and practical science, and the relation of moral science to prudence.Google Scholar
34 Ibid. fol. 258ra .Google Scholar
35 ‘… nomen asyni est impositum ad significandum quandam speciem animalis propter sui ruditatem…. Et audio cum cordis dolore quod parisius sic vocantur canoniste.’ Ibid. fol. 253ra .Google Scholar
36 Bibliotheca Marciana MS 2653 (Cod. Lat. V-XVI) fol. 10. This criticism of Dante forms part of the author's treatise De Juribus ecclesiae in civitate Bononiae, for discussion of which see Rossi, L., Dagli scritti inediti giuridico-politici da Giovanni da Legnano (Bologna 1898) 25.Google Scholar
37 Ullmann, W., ‘Baldus’ Conception of Law,' Law Quarterly Review 58 (1942) 386–99; and see his The Medieval Idea of Law, esp. ch. 1.Google Scholar
38 Grabman, M., Mittelalterliches Geistesleben (Munich 1936) II 239–71; see also Maier, A., Die Vorläufer Galileis im 14. Jahrhundert (Rome 1949) 250–78; and Ermatinger, C. J., ‘Averroism in Early Fourteenth Century Bolgona,’ Medieval Studies 16 (1954) 35–36.Google Scholar
39 Bibliotheca Marciana MS 2653 (Cod. Lat. V-V-XVI) fol. 105ff.Google Scholar
40 ‘… quia rogatus a sociis studiosis … ut in hoc tractatu aliquid annecterem de materia moralium, si coaptari posset reducendo textus philosophorum ad terminos canonistarum … subiciam tractatum … ubi de virtutibus moralibus theologicis et intellectualibus … generaliter et singulariter brevissime discuciam, quaerendo textus Aristotelis, maxime libros ethycorum nychomachiorum et politicorum, ad textus canonum reducendo’; printed by G. Ermini in ‘I trattati della Guerra e della Pace di Giovanni da Legnano,’ Studi e Memorie per la storia dell' Università di Bologna 8 (1924) 151.Google Scholar
41 Vatican MS Lat, 2639 fol. 258ra–259ra .Google Scholar
42 ‘… igitur prudencia est ministra sapiencie.’ Ibid. fol. 258rb .Google Scholar
43 Ibid. fols. 258vb–259ra .Google Scholar
44 Ibid. fols. 259ra–261rb. This is the tract printed by Ermini (n. 3 supra). The De principatu. survives in a number of MSS as a treatise independent of the Somnium ; see McCall, (n. 1 supra) 423–24, 435. Most are incomplete texts, and Ermini seems to have concluded his printed version at a point earlier than what must have been the conclusion of John's original text; see Maffei, D., La Donazione di Constantino nei giuristi medievali (Milan 1964) 226 n. 14.Google Scholar
45 Ermini (n. 3 supra).Google Scholar
46 ‘Sicut ergo a primo exordio prefuit unus yconomus sive paterfamilias domui, sic politico regimini … inferretur ergo conclusio sic, unus est solus et ille nobilissumus principatus, talis est papalis.’ Vatican MS Lat. 2639 fol. 259va .Google Scholar
47 Ibid. fol. 260rb .Google Scholar
48 ‘… principatus ecclesie omnem gradium perfectionis mundane concernit, principatus autem imperialis non concernit nisi partem potencialem intellectus pratici.’ Ibid. fol. 260va .Google Scholar
49 Ibid. fol. 259va .Google Scholar
50 Ibid. fol. 260vb .Google Scholar
51 On these points see further Maffei (n. 44 supra).Google Scholar
52 ‘Insurgit hic dubium an lex canonica … accedat prudencie humane approbando virginitatem…. Item nulla virtus inclinat contra finem ad quam natura ordinavit … sed natura ordinavit membra genitalia ad coytum propter prolis multiplicacionem: huic autem repugnat virginitas. Item tendit ad corruptionem universi. Item repugnat matrimonio instituto in paradiso a deo, et sic concluditur legem canonicam …’ Vatican MS Lat. 2639 fol. 264va .Google Scholar
53 ‘… est notandum quod natura non ordinavit actus venereos ad conservacionem individui sed speciei (ut scribitur ii de Anima)… constat autem quod humane nature propter complexionis subtilitatem … tot et tante sunt indigencie quas natura non supplevit … reliquit(ur?) quod unus homo aut duo vel centum … non sufficerent ad hanc humanam replendam indigenciam; quam pluribus enim actibus indigemus quorum artifices adinvicem permuttante pro suis operibus habere possunt eadem quibus indigent de operibus aliorum. Ideo scribitur (prima polliticorum) quod civitas a natura est, et homo animal civile …’ Ibid. fol. 264vb .Google Scholar
54 ‘… cum igitur istis temporibus sit genus humanum multiplicatum sufficienter et dictamen racionis sit concors ordini nature. Recta ergo racio permittit ymo persuadit aliquos per totam vitam abstinere.’ Ibid. fol. 264vb .Google Scholar
55 ‘… temperancie non est eadem medietas precise relata ad omnes, sed secundum varietatem status homini variatur hec medietas … nam est status hominum religiosorum quibus non incumbit onus aliquod grave corporale … in hiis si judicantur abstinencie et jejunia ut minuatur robur et decor corporalis dumtamen non fiat tanta subtraccio quod percuciatur usus racionis … hoc consonat dictamini racionis maxime tendenti ad eterne beatitudinis.’ Ibid. fol. 265ra .Google Scholar
56 ‘… habitus legalis ut prudencia potest dici procuratrix vel procurator habitus canonici prout est sapiencia et est conclusio phylosophi (vi. ethy).’ Ibid. fol. 266rb .Google Scholar
57 ‘… ambo illi habitus sumpti ut sunt ambo sapiencia divina possunt dici idem habitus, prout refferentur ad prima et remota principia, et ad primum universale dictamen racionis a quo vero lumine intellectus efflunt omnes direcciones hominum … in finem debitum, sic et ut refferentur ad primum universalem promulgatorem … a quo totum effluit.’ Ibid. fol. 266rb .Google Scholar
58 ‘Hoc solo discusso, videlicet quia ponunt pro fundamento quod omne scibile et sapibile est eternum, disponens autem canonice et legales quarum sunt isti posse collocari sub aliquo illorum.’ Ibid. fol. 267vb. The text here seems to be corrupt, but the meaning presumably is that detractors question whether the laws can come under either heading, since they are changeable.Google Scholar
59 ‘Sciencia est habitus intellectualis omnibus existenter uniformis, cum sit universalium necessariorum uniformiter omnes concernencium (ut scribitur primo posteriorum, et iii de anima).’ Ibid. fol. 248vb .Google Scholar
60 ‘… sicut variatis temporibus in eodem climate necesse est variari diposiccones legales manenti uniformitate rectitudinis intellectus … sicut variato statu infirmitatis eiusdem egroti variantur medicamina.’ Ibid. fol. 270rb .Google Scholar
61 ‘… antiquitus XXX homo, post XXVIII, hodie a pestilencia magna citra pauciores… apparet ergo humanam naturam minoratam …’ Ibid. fol. 270va .Google Scholar
62 ‘Secunda causa astrologyca varietatis legum non mutato dictamine recte racionis sumitur ex planetis maxime ex conjunccionibus saturni et jovis. Nam ex conjunccione saturni et jovis in ariete que evenit in 969 annis mutatur non solum natura humana ymo et totus mundus inferior mutatur, surgunt nove leges, secte et prophete.’ Ibid. fol. 270vb .Google Scholar
63 ‘Ego autum non adhibeo eis fidem in facto fidei et veritatis legis nostri cum totaliter infusive ex infinita potencia creatoris altissimi circumscriptis machinis celestibus illa veritas fuerat revelata, cum nec potencia creata potuerit illud introducere, nisi dicamus quod licet machina celestis non fuerat causa sufficiens … tamen aspectus quidam celestis machine magis consonant …’ Ibid. fol. 270vb . Dante, Compare, Paradiso, Cantos IV and VII.Google Scholar
64 Ibid. fol. 271ra .Google Scholar
65 ‘Placuit sic aliquantulum disgredi, ut naturales et astrologi, qui has sacratissimas sciencias nituntur excludere a sedibus intellectualibus … ex codicibus propriis habeant necessario fateri ipsas in sedibus illis naturaliter collocatas …’ Ibid. fol. 271rb .Google Scholar
66 Ullmann, , The Medieval Idea of Law 17. Lucas, as Ullmann explains, is concerned with precisely the same sort of criticism from the medics that John was: their charge that law is unscientific.Google Scholar
