No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Alternate Attendance Parades in the Japanese Domain of Satsuma, Seventeenth to Eighteenth Centuries: Pottery, Power and Foreign Spectacle
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 May 2022
Abstract
This study examines the practice of ‘alternate attendance’ (sankin kōtai), in which the daimyo lords of Tokugawa Japan (1600–1868) marched with their retainers between their home territories and the shogunal capital of Edo, roughly once a year. Research on alternate attendance has focused on the meaning of daimyo processions outside their domains (han), along Japan's highways and in the city of Edo. Here I argue that, even as daimyo embarked upon a journey to pay obeisance to the shogun, the ambiguous nature of sovereignty in early modern Japan meant that alternate attendance could also be used for a local agenda, ritually stamping the daimyo's territory with signs of his dominance, much like what has been highlighted in the study of royal processions in world history. I focus on the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, providing a case study of visits made by the Shimazu family, lords of Satsuma domain, to a village of Korean potters within their territory, whose antecedents had been brought as captives during the Imjin War of 1592–8. During daimyo visits, a relationship of mutual benefit and fealty between the Shimazu and the villagers was articulated through gift-giving, banqueting, dance and displays of local wares. This in turn was used to consolidate Shimazu power in their region.
- Type
- Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Royal Historical Society
References
1 Llop, Jaume and Shibata, Daisuke, ‘The Royal Journey in the Middle Assyrian Period’, Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 68 (2016), 67–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cole, Mary Hill, The Portable Queen: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Ceremony (Amherst, 1999)Google Scholar; Dovey, Zillah, An Elizabethan Progress: The Queen's Journey into East Anglia, 1578 (Stroud, 1996)Google Scholar.
2 Vaporis, Constantine Nomikos, Tour of Duty: Samurai, Military Service in Edo, and the Culture of Early Modern Japan (Honolulu, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Ibid., 2; Kasuhiko, Kasaya, ‘Sankin kōtai no bunkashiteki igi’, in Bunmei to shite no Tokugawa Nihon, ed. Tōru, Haga (Tokyo 1993), 137–56, at 138Google Scholar. Duindam, Jeroen, Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300–1800 (Cambridge 2015), 206–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 Shunpo, Naitō, Bunroku keichō eki ni okeru hironin no kenkyū (Tokyo, 1976), 210–98Google Scholar.
5 Fukaminato Kyōko, ‘Satsumayaki o meguru Naeshirogawa kankei monjō ni tsuite’, Reimeikan chōsa kenkyū hōkoku, 13 (2000), 101–33
6 Clements, Rebekah, ‘Daimyō Processions and Satsuma's Korean Village: A Note on the Reliability of Local History Materials’, Japan Review, 35 (2021), 219–30Google Scholar. The records are written in the sōrōbun style of Japanese, which was used for letter writing and administrative documents. Although the villagers were encouraged to maintain their Korean language skills, they also adapted to the local linguistic environment.
7 Geertz, Clifford, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York, 1983), 125Google Scholar.
8 Eishō, Miyagi, Ryūkyū shisha no Edo nobori (Tokyo, 1982)Google Scholar; Kido Hironari, ‘Shimazushi no sankin ni taisuru Ōsaka funa arake’, Ōsaka Rekishi Hakubutsukan kenkyū kiyō, 13 (2015), 19–48; Travis Seifman, ‘Performing “Lūchū”: Identity Performance and Foreign Relations in Early Modern Japan’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2019).
9 E.g. Toby, Ronald. P., ‘Carnival of the Aliens: Korean Embassies in Edo-Period Art and Popular Culture’, Monumenta Nipponica, 41 (1986), 415–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wu, Jiang, ‘The Taikun's Zen Master from China: Yinyuan, the Tokugawa Bakufu, and the Founding of Manpukuji in 1661’, East Asian History, 38 (2014), 75–96Google Scholar; Clements, Rebekah, ‘Speaking in Tongues? Daimyo, Zen Monks, and Spoken Chinese in Japan, 1661–1711’, Journal of Asian Studies, 76 (2017), 603–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Seifman, ‘Performing “Lūchū”’.
10 Brian O. Ruppert, ‘Royal Progresses to Shrines: Cloistered Sovereign, “Tennō”, and the Sacred Sites of Early Medieval Japan’, Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, 16 (2006–7), 183–202.
11 Sōji, Okada, ‘Jinja gyokō no seiritsu’, Ōkurayama ronshū, 31 (1991), 29–58Google Scholar; Takuo, Ōmura, ‘Chūsei zenki no gyokō: Jinja gyokō o chūshin ni’, Nenpō chūseishi kenkyū, 19 (1994), 154–77Google Scholar; Satō Kazuyuki, ‘The Emperor's Gyoko and Funeral in Early Modern Japan’, Osaka Univ.–Harvard Univ. Joint Workshop for Young Scholars in Japanese Culture (Osaka, 2020), 1, https://www.let.osaka-u.ac.jp/ja/research/file/sato-kazuki.
12 Kaneko Hiraku, ‘Unexpected Paths: Gift Giving and the Nara Excursions of the Muromachi Shoguns’, trans. Lee Butler, in Mediated by Gifts: Politics and Society in Japan, 1350–1850, ed. Martha Chaiklin (Leiden, 2017), 24–47, at 43.
13 Toshihiko, Takano, ‘Edo bakufu no chōtei shihai’, Nihonshi kenkyū, 319 (1989), 48–77Google Scholar; Satō, ‘The Emperor's Gyoko and Funeral’.
14 Kokuritsu Rekishi Minzoku Hakubutsukan, ed., Gyōretsu ni miru kinsei: Bushi to ikoku to sairei to (Tokyo, 2012), i.
15 Toby, ‘Carnival of the Aliens’.
16 Kokuritsu Rekishi Minzoku Hakubutsukan, Gyōretsu ni miru kinsei, 64.
17 Vaporis, Tour of Duty, 11–15.
18 Yasunari, Maruyama, Sankin kōtai (Tokyo, 2007), 6–53Google Scholar.
19 Robert Sakai, ‘The Consolidation of Power in Satsuma Han’, in Studies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Japan, ed. John Whitney Hall and Marius B. Jansen (Princeton, 1968), 131–40, at 132; Vaporis, Tour of Duty, 12.
20 Maruyama, Sankin kōtai (2007); Hirofumi, Yamamoto, Sankin kōtai (Tokyo, 1998)Google Scholar.
21 Vaporis, Tour of Duty, 27–32; Yamamoto, Sankinkōtai, 156–76.
22 Hitofumi, Fujimoto, ‘Sankin kōtai no henshitsu’, Rakuhoku shigaku, 14 (2012), 74–98, at 74–5Google Scholar.
23 Fujimoto, ‘Sankin kōtai no henshitsu’.
24 Brown, Philip C., ‘The Mismeasure of Land: Land Surveying in the Tokugawa Period’, Monumenta Nipponica, 42 (1987), 115–55Google Scholar. Hellyer, Robert, Defining Engagements Defining Engagement: Japan and Global Contexts, 1640–1868 (Cambridge, MA, 2009)Google Scholar.
25 Ravina, Mark, ‘Performing the Great Peace: Political Space and Open Secrets in Tokugawa Japan by Luke S. Roberts (Review)’, Monumenta Nipponica, 71 (2016), 158–61, at 158Google Scholar.
26 Ravina, Mark, Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan (Stanford, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Takeshi, Mizubayashi, Hokensei no saihen to Nihonteki shakai no kakuritsu (Tokyo, 1987), 279–80Google Scholar; Elliott, J. H., ‘A Europe of Composite Monarchies’, Past & Present, 137 (1992), 48–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
27 Toby, Ronald P., ‘Rescuing the Nation from History: The State of the State in Early Modern Japan’, Monumenta Nipponica, 56 (2001), 197–237, at 200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Roberts, Luke S., Performing the Great Peace: Political Space and Open Secrets in Tokugawa Japan (Honolulu, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The terms with which the structure of the Japanese polity and the practice of foreign relations were discussed began to change in the late eighteenth century, after the period covered in the present article. See Facius, Michael, ‘Terms of Government: Early Modern Japanese Concepts of Rulership and Political Geography in Translation’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 83 (2021), 521–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 Seifman, ‘Performing “Lūchū”’.
30 Kido Hironari, ‘Ryūkyū shisetsu no seiritsu: Baku han Ryūkyū kankeishi no shiza kara’, Shirin, 99 (2016), 525–57.
31 Vaporis, Tour of Duty, 63.
32 The times and dates of Shimazu travel, as well as the routes taken, are recorded in official han documents reprinted in Kyūki zatsuroku tsuiroku, ed. Kagoshima-ken Ishin Shiryō Hensanjo (8 vols., Kagoshima-ken, 1971–8). See also Takafumi, Ueno, Satsuma han no sankin kōtai: Edo made nan'nichi kakatta ka (Kagoshima, 2019)Google Scholar.
33 Tominobu, Hatano, ‘Satsuma han no shoki sankin to sankin kōtaiji’, Komazawa Daigaku shigaku ronshū, 7 (1977), 46–56, at 54–5Google Scholar.
34 Hironari, Kido, ‘Shimazushi no sankin ni taisuru Ōsaka “funaarake”’, Ōsaka Rekishi Hakubutsukan Kenkyū kiyō, 13 (2015), 19–48, at 22–3Google Scholar.
35 Hanpōshū 8, Kagoshimahan shita, ed. Hanpō Kenkyūkai (Tokyo, 1981), 90–7.
36 Yamamoto, Sankin kōtai, 90.
37 Hanpōshū 8, Kagoshimahan shita, ed. Hanpō, 100.
38 Seifman, ‘Performing “Lūchū”’, 59–60.
39 Eitarō, Murata, Kinsei Nihon kōtsūshi: Denba seido to sankin kōtai (Tokyo, 1935), 308–87Google Scholar.
40 Vaporis, Tour of Duty, 64–8.
41 Ueno, Satsuma han no sankin kōtai, 85.
42 Naitō, Bunroku keichō eki ni okeru hironin no kenkyū; Louise Cort, ‘Korean Influences in Japanese Ceramics: The Impact of the Teabowl Wars of 1592–1598’, Ceramics and Civilization, 2 (1986), 331–62; Maske, Andres, Potters and Patrons in Edo Period Japan: Takatori Ware and the Kuroda Domain (Farnham, 2011)Google Scholar.
43 Kurushima Hiroshi, ‘Kinsei no Naeshirogawa’, in Satsuma Chōsen tōkōmura no yonhyaku nen, ed. Kurushima Hiroshi et al. (Tokyo, 2014), 3–57.
44 Kingo, Tazawa and Fujio, Oyama, Satsumayaki no kenkyū (Tokyo, 1941)Google Scholar.
45 Watanabe Yoshirō, ‘Kamaato kara wakaru koto: Kinsei Satsumayaki no shōsei gijutsu’, in Yakimonozukuri no kōkōgaku, ed. Kagoshima Daigaku Sōgō Kenkyū Hakubutsu Kan (Kagoshima, 2011), 18–37, at 19.
46 Yoshirō, Watanabe, ‘Kinsei Satsuma dobin no hangai ryūtsū ni tsuite no nooto’, Kara kara, 29 (2015), 13–21Google Scholar.
47 E.g. 200 koku of land in 1669, and forestry rights in 1685. See Sennen Chōsen yori meshiwatasare tomechō (1872), reprinted in Fukaminato, ‘Satsumayaki o meguru Naeshirogawa kankei monjō ni tsuite’, at 113 and 117.
48 Ibid., 113.
49 The term ‘Korean’ is used as a convenient shorthand in this article, for the modern nation state did not exist at this time. In the Japanese sources used in this article, the most common adjective used to describe the origins of the villagers and their identity is ‘Chōsen’ (i.e. Choso˘n, the name of the dynasty that ruled the peninsula from 1392 until 1897).
50 Watanabe Yoshirō, ‘Naze Satsumahan wa Naeshirogawa ni Chōsen fūzoku o nokoshita no ka’, Kadai shigaku, 52 (2005), 9–18; Naito, Bunroku keichōeki ni okeru hirōnin no kenkū, 224–55.
51 Sennen Chōsen yori meshiwatasare tomechō, 119.
52 Haraguchi Torao and Robert Sakai, The Status System and Social Organization of Satsuma: A Translation of the Shūmon tefuda aratame jōmoku (Tokyo, 1975), 22–7.
53 Watanabe, ‘Satsuma han wa Naeshirogawa ni Chōsen fūzoku o nokoshita no ka’, 15.
54 Tokunaga Kazunobu, ‘Satsumahan no Chōsen tsūji ni tsuite’, Reimeikan chōsa kenkyū hōkoku, 8 (1994), 18–33; Naito, Bunroku keichōeki ni okeru hirōnin no kenkū (1976), 255–60.
55 Sennen Chōsen yori meshiwatasare tomechō, 111.
56 Ibid., 125.
57 Ibid., 111.
58 Cho˘ng Kwang, Satsuma Naeshirogawa no Chōsen kayō (privately published, 1990), 95–128. Kanme is usually pronounced ‘kanmai’ in standard modern Japanese.
59 Cho˘ng, Satsuma Naeshirogawa no Chōsen kayō, 102.
60 Watanabe Miki, ‘Sappan shōke hyakuzu ni yoru Minami Kyūshū seikatsu ebiki’, in Nihon kinsei seikatsu ebiki, Minami Kyūshū hen, ed. Nihon Kinsei Seikatsu Ebiki Minamikyūshūhen Hensan Kyōdō Kenkūhan (Kanagawa, 2018), 149–56.
61 Sennen Chōsen yori meshiwatasare tomechō, 112.
62 Ibid., 112.
63 Ibid.
64 ‘Bronze’ and ‘silver coins’ were usually alloys. Japanese money, measures and weights were not standardised during the seventeenth century, and varied between domains. Due to the destruction of official documents in the nineteenth century, little is known of Satsuma's currency history. Here I offer approximate measures based on what is known of currency in other parts of Japan:
1 kan (= 1 kanmon = 1 kanme) = 1,000 mon (or monme) = 3.75 kg
1 mon(me) = 1 sen = 3.75 g
1 kin = 0.16 kan = 160 mon(me) = 16 ryō = 600 g
1 hiki = 10 mon(me)
Tonomura, Hitomi, Community and Commerce in Late Medieval Japan: The Corporate Villages of Tokuchin-ho (Stanford, 1992), xiiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
65 Masahiro, Fujimoto, Nihon chūsei no zōto to futan (Tokyo, 1997), 90–122Google Scholar. Umanosuke held the highest-ranking domain office responsible for Naeshirogawa at this time, which was also referred to as the steward (jito˘), a rank within Satsuma's outer castle system (Fukaminato, ‘Satsumayaki o meguru Naeshirogawa kankei monjō ni tsuite’, 124). Bugyō, usually translated as ‘magistrates’, were middle-ranking administrators during the Tokugawa period. However, as with many administrative offices in Satsuma associated with the outer castle system, their role was slightly different despite having the same name as that which was used elsewhere in Japan. On stewards and the outer castle system, see discussion below.
66 Martha Chaiklin, ‘Introduction’, in Chailkin, Mediated by Gifts, 1–23, at 6; Katherine Rupp, Gift-Giving in Japan: Cash, Connections, Cosmologies (Stanford, 2003).
67 Marcel Mauss, ‘Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques’, L'Année Sociologique 1923–4 (1), 30–186, at 33.
68 Futan to zōto, ed. Yamaguchi Keiji et al. (Tokyo, 1986); Fujimoto, Nihon chūsei no zōto to futan; Chaiklin, ‘Introduction’.
69 Oda Yūzō, ‘Kodai chūsei no suiko’, in Futan to zōto, ed. Yamaguchi, 93–116.
70 Fujimoto, Nihon chūsei no zōto to futan, 15.
71 Haraguchi and Sakai, The Status System and Social Organization of Satsuma, 28.
72 Daimyo heirs were hostages raised in Edo, and did not officially travel to their domains until they inherited them.
73 Hanpōshū 8, Kagoshimahan shita, ed. Hanpō, 93.
74 Yamada Tamemasa, Ansei gannen Shimazu Nariakira sanpu otomo nikki (1854), in Kagoshima Kenshi Nariakira-kō shiryō 4, ed. Kagoshimaken Ishinshiryō Hensanjo (Kagoshima, 1984), 902.
75 Takafumi, Ueno, Satsuma han no sankin kōtai: Edo made nan'nichi kakatta ka (Kagoshima, 2019)Google Scholar.
76 Modern research suggests that Tadahisa was in fact the son of a retainer in the Konoe family of regents, one Koremune Hirokoto (dates unknown). See Hayashi Tadasu, ‘Shimazuke yuisho to Satsumahan kirokusho: Kan'ei kara shōtoku ki o chūshin ni’, Reimeikan chōsa kenkyū hōkoku, 25 (2013), 1–40, at 1.
77 Jansen, Marius B., The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, MA, 2000), 294–370Google Scholar.
78 John Whitney Hall, ‘Foundations of the Modern Japanese Daimyo’, in Studies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Japan (1968), 65–78.
79 Torao, Haraguchi, ‘Satsumahan tojō seido no seiritsu to genna no ikkoku ijichōrei 1’, Hōseishi kenkyū, 36 (1986), 77–142, at 78Google Scholar.
80 Jurgis Elisonias, ‘Christianity and the Daimyo’, in The Cambridge History of Japan, iv: Early Modern Japan, ed. John Witney Hall and James L Macain (Cambridge, 1991), 301–72, at 359; and John Witney Hall, ‘The bakuhan System’, ibid., 121–82, at 150–1.
81 Hayashi, ‘Shimazuke yuisho to Satsumahan kirokusho’, 3–5.
82 Osamu, Wakita, ‘The Emergence of the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan: From Oda to Tokugawa’, Journal of Japanese Studies, 8 (1982), 343–67, at 352–4Google Scholar.
83 Hall, ‘The bakuhan System’, 159.
84 Haraguchi, ‘Satsumahan tojō seido no seiritsu to genna no ikkoku ijichōrei’, 137.
85 Sakai, Robert K., ‘Feudal Society and Modern Leadership in Satsuma-han’, Journal of Asian Studies, 16 (1957), 365–76, at 366CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
86 Haraguchi, ‘Satsumahan tojō seido no seiritsu to genna no ikkoku ijichōrei’, 139.
87 Sakai, ‘The Consolidation of Power in Satsuma Han’.
88 Sakihara Mitsugu, ‘The Significance of Ryukyu in Satsuma Finances during the Tokugawa Period’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Hawaii, 1971), 216.
89 Torao, Haraguchi, Kagoshimaken no rekishi (Tokyo, 1973), 2–4Google Scholar.
90 Kazunobu, Tokunaga, Kaiyō kokka Satsuma (Kagoshima, 2011)Google Scholar.
91 Hellyer, Defining Engagements, 25–48.
92 Maria Grazia Petrucci, ‘Caught between Piracy and Trade: The Shimazu of Southern Japan at the Outset of the New Tokugawa Regime, 1599–1630’, in Beyond the Silk Roads: New Discourses on China's Role in East Asian Maritime History, ed. Robert J. Antony and Angela Schottenhammer (Wiesbaden, 2018), 99–114.
93 Smits, Gregory, Visions of Ryukyu: Identity and Ideology in Early-Modern Thought and Politics (Honolulu, 2017), 15–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Satō Hiroyuki, ‘Satsuma no naka no “ikoku”: Enshutsusareta “Ryūkyūkan”’, Chizu jōhō, 38, no. 2 (2018), 20–4.
94 Clements, ‘Daimyō Processions and Satsuma's Korean Village’, 225.
95 Murai Shōsuke, ‘Post-war Domain Source Material on Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea: The Wartime Memoirs of Shimazu Soldiers’, in The East Asian War, 1592–1598 (2015), 109–19.
96 Geertz, Local Knowledge, 125.
97 Cole, The Portable Queen, 78–84; Murphy, Neil, Ceremonial Entries, Municipal Liberties and the Negotiation of Power in Valois France, 1328–1589 (Leiden, 2016), 218CrossRefGoogle Scholar.