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⁶ Secousse, D.-F., Recueil de piéces servant de preuves aux mémoires sur les troubles excités en France par Charles II, dit le Mauvais, roi de Navarre et comte d'Evreux (Paris, 1755), pp. 373 ff.Google Scholar; Quicke, F. j, ‘Jean de Saint-Amand, chanoine de Cambrai, chapelain du pape: faussaire, traître et espion (13??–1368)’, Études d'histoire dediées à la mémoire de Henri Pirnne (Bruxelles, 1937), pp. 265–89Google Scholar; Vale, M. G. A., Charles VII (London, 1974), pp. 154–62Google Scholar.

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¹¹ Hofer, S., ‘Das Verratsmotiv in den chanson de geste’, Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, Bd 44 (1924), 594–609Google Scholar; cf. Calin, W. C., The Epic Quest (Baltimore, 1966), pp. 77–9Google Scholar.

¹² Calin, W. C., The Old French Epic of Revolt (Geneva and Paris, 1962)Google Scholar; van Emden, W., ‘Isembart and the Old French Epic of Revolt’, Nottingham Mediaeval Studies, viii (1964), 22–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁵ For the connection between literature and practice, cf. Bloch, R. Howard, Medieval French Literature and Law (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1977)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Les coutumes de Beauvaisis, ed. Salmon, A. (2 vols., Paris, 1899–1900), I, 430Google Scholar; cf. Etablissements de St Louis, ed. Viollet, P. (4 vols., Paris, 1881–1886), I, 76Google Scholar; Bloch, , Literature and Law, p. 37Google Scholar; Cuttler, , Law of Treason, p. 4Google Scholar.

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¹⁹ Cf. Le Vieux Coustumier de Poictou, ed. Filhol, R. (Bourges, 1956), pp. 29–32Google Scholar.

²⁰ Perrot, E., Let cas royaux (Paris, 1910), pp. 31–2Google Scholar; Ullmann, W., ‘The development of the medieval idea of sovereignty’, Eng. Hist. Rev., lxiv (1949), 1–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, S.J. T., ‘The position of the king in Bracton and Beaumanoir’, Speculum, xxxi (1956), 263–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chaplais, P., ‘La souveraineté du roi de France et le pouvoir législatif en Guyenne au début du XIVe siécle’, Le Moyen Age, lxix (1963), 449–69Google Scholar.

²¹ Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisième race, ed. de Lauriére, E. S. et al. (22 vols., Paris, 1723–1849), XI, 199, 226–7, 239–4 262–8Google Scholar; and cf. ibid., I, 57 ‘ipsi tamquam proditores, criminisque convicti et ordinationum, ac statutorum regiorum transgressores puniri… debebant’ (1245).

²² Lemosse, M., ‘La lèse-majesté dans la monarchie franque’, Revue du moyen âge latin, ii (1946), 5–24Google Scholar.

²³ Thomas, J. A. C., Institutes of Justinian. Text, translation and commentary (Amsterdam and London, 1975), p. 335Google Scholar.

²⁴ Digest, 48.4; Code 9.8; cf. Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

²⁵ Lemosse, , ‘La lèse-majesté’ 17Google Scholar; cf. remarks of Rather, of Verona (Patrologia Latina, CXXXVI, 236)Google Scholar.

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²⁹ Ibid., II, 38–9; Letters of Fulbert, no. 51, where his advice passed through the Decretals (2.22.5.18) into general currency, being cited by Ursins, Jean Juvénal des, for instance (Écrits politiques, ed. Lewis, , I, 84)Google Scholar; Cuttler, , Law of Treason, p. 9Google Scholar. The ultimate source is Cicero: see Poly, J.-P. and Bournazel, E., La Mutation féodale, Xe Xlle siècles (Paris, 1980), p. 149Google Scholar. See also Yver, J., ‘Le “Trés Ancien Coutumier” de Normandie, miroir de la législation ducale’, Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis, xxxix (1971), 337–74Google Scholar.

³⁰ Cf. Bellamy, , Treason in England, pp. 11–12Google Scholar; Timbal, P. C., ‘La confiscation dans le droit français des XIIIe et XIVe siècles’, Revue hislorique de droit français el étranger [R.H.D.F.E.], 3é;me sér., xxiii (1944), 40–2Google Scholar. On the wider aspect of the subject, see also Barron, W. R. J., ‘The penalties for treason in mediaeval life and literature’, Jnl. Med. Hist., 7 (2) (1981), 187–202Google Scholar.

³¹ Perrot, , Cas royaux, pp. 28 ff.Google Scholar; Feenstra, R., ‘Jean de Blanot et la formule “Rex Franciae in regno suo pnnceps est”’, Etudes d'Histoire du droit canonique dediées à Gabriel le Bras (2 vols., Paris, 1965), II, 885–95Google Scholar; Chaplais, , ‘Souveraineté du roi de France’, 449–69Google Scholar; Boulet-Sautel, M., ‘Jean de Blanot et la conception du pouvoir royal au temps de Loui s IX’, Septième centenaire de la mart de Saint Louis (Paris, 1976), 57–68Google Scholar.

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³³ Genestal, R., Le Privilegium Fori en France du Décret de Gratien à la fin du XIVe siècle (2 vols., Paris, 1924), II, 158 ff.Google Scholar; Registres du trésor des Chartes, I, Règne de Philippe le Bel, Inventaire analytique, ed. Fawtier, R. (Paris, 1958), nos. 1935, 2005–6, 2009, 2011, 2026–8, 2030, 2250Google Scholar. In the Parlement the specific charge of lèse-majesty dates from c. 1259 (Les Olim, ou registres des arréts rendus par la cour du roi, ed. Beugnot, A. (3 vols., in 4 parts, Paris, 1839–1848), I, 460, no. 9)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Lewis, P. S., Later Medieval France: the polity (London, 1968), pp. 84–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Bellamy, , Treason in England, pp. 1 ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Ordonnances, 1, 606: cf. Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 18–19Google Scholar.

³⁶ Devic, Dom Cl. and Vaissete, Dom J., Histoire générate de Languedoc, new edition by Molinier, A. et al. (16 vols., Toulouse, 1872–1904), X, Preuves, cols. 1100–1, 1152–3, 1157–8, 1193–7Google Scholar; de Peña, N., Documents sur la maison de Durfort (2 vols., Bordeaux, 1977), II, nos. 1000, 1004, 1035Google Scholar.

³⁷ David, M., La souveraineté el les limites juridiques du pouvoir monarchique du IXe au XVe siècle (Paris, 1954), pp. 13 ff.Google Scholar; Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 9–15, 28, 55Google Scholar.

³⁸ Perrot, , Cas royaux, pp. 27–36, 327–8, 330–1Google Scholar; Lacour, R., Le gouvernement de I'apanage de Jean, due de Berry 1360–1416 (Paris, 1934), pp. 289–314Google Scholar; Leguai, A., De la seigneurie à l'état. Le Bourbonnais pendant la guerre de Cent Ans (Moulins, 1969), pp. 175–80Google Scholar; Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 20–2Google Scholar.

³⁹ Bossuat, , ‘Rétablissement de la paix sociale’, 137–62Google Scholar, and ‘La formule “Le roi est empereur en son royaume”. Son emploi au XVe siècle devant le Parlement de Paris’, R.H.D.F.E., 4ème sér., xxxix (1961), 371–81Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Lewis, , Later Medieval France, pp. 78 ff.Google Scholar; ‘War Propaganda and Historiography in Fifteenth-Century France and England’, T.R. Hist. S., 5th ser., 15 (1965), 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vale, , Charles VII, pp. 194–217Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 55–64Google Scholar; Lanhers, Y., ‘Deux affaires de trahison defendues par Jean Jouvenel des Ursins (1423–1427)’, Mélanges Pierre Tissei (Montpellier, 1971), pp. 317–28Google Scholar.

⁴² Halgouët, H. du, La vicomte de Rohan et ses seigneurs (2 vols., St-Brieuc and Paris, 1921–1924), I, 88Google Scholar; de la Borderie, A. and Pocquet, B., Histoire de Bretagne (6 vols., Rennes and Paris, 1896–1914), IV, 468Google Scholar.

⁴³ du Halgouet, , Vicomtéde Rohan, p. 90Google Scholar; Reece, Jack E., The Bretons against France (Chapel Hill, 1977)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁵ Archives départementales de la Loire-Atlantique (A.L.A.), E 169 no. 17 (reflections by counsel on an accord reached in 1448 between duke Francis I and John de Bretagne, count of Penthievre) is an important example.

⁴⁶ Jones, Michael, Ducal Brittany 1364–1399 (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar and ‘“Mon pais et ma nation”: Breton identity in the Fourteenth Century', War, Literature and Politics in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Allmand, C. T. (Liverpool, 1976), pp. 144–68Google Scholar, examine aspects of this story.

⁴⁷ Tucoo-Chala, P., La vicomté de Béam et le probléme de sa souveraineté des origines à 1620 (Bordeaux, 1961)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ ‘Some documents relating to the disputed succession to the duchy of Brittany, 1341’, ed. Jones, Michael, Camden Miscellany XXIV (Camden, Fourth Series, 9, 1972), p. 5Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Tucoo-Chala, , Vicomte de Beam, pp. 83–5Google Scholar (for sovereign allods); Leguai, A., ‘Les “Etats” princiers en France à la fin du moyen âge’, Annali della fondazione italianaper la storia ammmistrativa, iv (1967), 133–57Google Scholar, is the best survey; cf. Lewis, , Later Medieval France, pp. 187–99Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ du Haut-Jussé, B. A. Pocquet, ‘Histoire ancienne de notre université’, Annales de Bretagm [A.B.], lv (1948), 156–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Memoirs of a Renaissance Pope. The Commentaries of Pius II, trans. Gragg, Florence A., ed. Gabel, Leona C. (London, 1960), p. 346Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Leguay, J.-P., Un réseau urbain au moyen âge: les villes du duché de Bretagne aux XIVe et XVe siédts (Paris, 1981), pp. 75–96, 167–90Google Scholar; Jones, Michael, ‘The Defence of Medieval Brittany’, Archaeological Journal, cxxxviii (1981), 180–5Google Scholar.

⁵² Morice, , Preuves, II, 735–40Google Scholar.

⁵³ du Haut-Jussé, B. A. Pocquet, ‘Couronne fermée et cercle ducal en Bretagne’, Bulletin philologique du comité des travaux historiques (jusqu'à 1715), années 1951 et 1952 (Paris, 1953), pp. 103–112Google Scholar; Jones, Michael, ‘The seals of John IV, duke of Brittany, 1364–1399’, Antiquaries Journal, lv (1975), 366–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; War, Literature and Politics, ed. Allmand, , pp. 164–5Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Jones, Michael, ‘Les finances de Jean IV, due de Bretagne, 1364–1399’, Mémoires de la société d'histoire et d'archéologie de Bretagne [M.S.H.A.B.], lii (1972–1974), 27–53Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Recueil des actes de Jean IV, due de Bretagne, i, 1357–1382, ed. Jones, Michael (Rennes and Paris, 1980), 45–8Google Scholar; Lettres el mandements de Jean V, due de Bretagne, ed. Blanchard, R. (5 vols., Nantes, 1889–1895), I, xli–xlvii and passimGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Contamine, P., ‘The Contents of a French diplomatic bag in the Fifteenth Century; Louis XI, regalian rights and Breton bishoprics, 1462–1465’, Noll. Med. Studs., xxv (1981), 52–72Google Scholar(for a particular French response to this); A.L.A., E 239, fos. 109–12 and E 241, no. I, fos. 15–23 (for examples of lists of documents contained in these dossiers); E 238–242 contain the most important late medieval inventories of ducal archives, first classified in 1395.

⁵⁷ Ullmann, , ‘Development of the medieval idea of sovereignty’, 12Google Scholar for Faber); cf. Keen, , Laws of War, pp. 75–9Google Scholar; Archives Nationales, Paris, [A.N.], J 246, no. 132/3 (for an interesting attempt to define the geographical limits of Brittany and ducal rights in 1394). See also Gauvard, Cl., ‘L'opinion publique aux confinsdes Etats et des principautés au début du XVe siécle,’ Actes des congrés de la société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieurpublic. Les Principautés au Moyen Age, Bordeaux 1973 (Bordeaux, 1979), pp. 127–52Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ La trés ancienne coutume, ed. Planiol, M. (Rennes, 1896), pp. 102, 142, 147, 153, 157, 174, 188Google Scholar.

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⁶⁰ A.N., X^2a4, fos. 107v-8r, 113r-v, 220v-222v (for execution of Clisson and punishment of other Breton traitors); cf. Cazelles, R., La société politique et la crise de la royauté sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958), pp. 153–4Google Scholar; Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 147–50Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Morice, , Preuves, I, 1588–99Google Scholar (terms of the first treaty of Guerande, 1365).

⁶² A.N., JJ 75, nos. 148–61, 204; see also nos. 20, 135, 141, 230, 235–6, 256, 338, 374, 382 etc., for grants and pardons by the Crown.

⁶³ Jones, Michael, ‘Sir Thomas Dagworth et la guerre civile en Bretagne au XIVe siècle: quelques documents inédits, A.B., lxxxvii (1980), 638Google Scholar, citing Bodleian Library, Oxford, Bodley MS. 462 fo. 32r (a newsletter from Dagworth about his execution of Olivier de Spinefort in 1346).

⁶⁴ Recueil (ed. Jones), nos. 38 and 41.

⁶⁵ Hist. gén. de Languedoc, X, Preuves, 838 9, 1347–1348; Peña, , Durfort, II, nos. 1000 and 1004Google Scholar; for a treason trial in Gascony, see Documents historiques inédits concernant la seigneurie de Fronsac, ed. Grellet-Balguerie, Ch. (Bordeaux, 1888)Google Scholar, after B.N., Coll. Bréquigny XXX, an 18th century transcript of the original, now P.R.O., E.101/181/6 (the procés-verbal of the sentence delivered in the court of Gascony against Guillaume-Sanche de Pommiers, vicomte of Fronsac, condemned to death for treason and lèse-majesty in plotting to deliver Bordeaux to the French in 1377) a reference I owe to the kindness of Dr M. G. A. Vale.

⁶⁶ Morice, , Preuves, II, 466–8Google Scholar; Borderie, La, Histoire de Bretagne, IV, 96–103Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ A.N., J 243, no. 70. Philip IV had seized Fougères in 1314 from Guy de Lusignan for lèse-majesty (Morice, , Preuves, I, 1282)Google Scholar and Philip VI had retained sovereignty when granting it to Charles de Valois in 1329 (Le Cartulaire de la seigneurie de Fougères, ed. Auberge, J. (Rennes, 1913), pp. 79–81)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Morice, , Preuves, II, 457–8Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Bourdeaut, A., ‘Jean V et Marguerite de Clisson. La ruine de Châteauceaux’, Bulletin de la société archéologigue de Nantes et de la Loire-Inférieure, liv (1913), 331–417Google Scholaris the best account; cf. Borderie, La, Histoire de Bretagne, IV, 197–214Google Scholar; Lettres de Jean V, I, cxxiv–v.

⁷⁰ Vaughan, R., John the Fearless (London, 1966), pp. 263–86Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Cosneau, E., Le connétable de Richement (Paris, 1886), 52–3, 494–7Google Scholar; Bonenfant, P., Du meurtre de Monlereau au traité de Troyes (Bruxelles, 1958)Google Scholar.

⁷² A.N., X^la9200 fos. 269v–273r (Isabeau de Vivonne v Richard, count of Étampes, 1434) provides valuable evidence on the dauphin's actions in 1420; B.N., MS. frangais 8267, fos. 68n80 (eighteenth-century extracts from the accounts of Jean Periou, 22 Apr. 1420 16 Dec. 1420, incompletely published in Morice, , Preuves, II, 1065–1068)Google Scholar, provide much information on diplomatic and military efforts to recover the duke.

⁷³ Morice, , Preuves, II, 998–1001Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Lettres de Jean V, nos. 1400, 1403–10, 1413–14, 1417, 1420, 1422, 1425–6, 1428 etc.; Morice, , Preuves, III, 368–70Google Scholar; A.L.A., B 51, fos. 117–19 (10 Oct. 1504).

⁷⁵ Morice, , Preuves, II, 1070–80Google Scholar; Lettres de Jean V, nos. 1436, 1456, 1532, 1606, 1610; A.L.A., E 169, nos. 2–4; Bourdeaut, ‘Jean V’, 391 ff.

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⁷⁷ Ibid., IV, 247 (1437, suspected plot of ducal scullions); Morice, , Preuves, II, 1324Google Scholar(1439, Plot to deliver St-Malo to the English);ibid., 1386–8 (19 Oct. 1445, ducal pardon to Gilles de Bretagne, suspected of disloyalty, felony and lése;-majesty).

⁷⁸ Bourdeaut, A., ‘Gilles de Bretagne entre la France et l'Angleterre’, M.S.H.A.B., i (1920), 53–145Google Scholar; Keen, M. H. and Daniel, M., ‘English Diplomacy and the sack of Fougéresin 1449’, History, lix (1974), 375–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wolffe, B., Henry VI (London, 1981), pp. 167 ffGoogle Scholar. (for Gilles). A.L.A., B 4, fo. gv (7 June 1465, seizure of the lands of the lords of Montauban and Guéméné-Guigan); ibid., fo. 135V (those of the count of Penthiévre for serving the king during the War of the Public Weal).

⁷⁹ Lettres de Jean V, no. 2012 ( a case of execution by drowning).

⁸⁰ A.L.A., B 4, fos. 110r, 115r; Morice, , Preuves, III, 31–2Google Scholar(rewards to Tanguy du Chastel for leaving French service, Nov. 1462); Contamine, P., Guerre, état et société à; la fin du moyen âge. Etudes sur les armées des rois de France 1337–1494 (Paris and The Hague, 1972), pp. 404–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸² A.L.A. E 131, fos. 122v–123r, 139r (minutes of ducal council meetings in 1462 relating to measures to ensure ducal officers left baronial service), fo. 154 (for protestations of loyalty acid a eulogy on the duke).

⁸³ Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 213–33Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Labande-Mailfert, Y., Charles VIII et son milieu (Paris, 1975)Google Scholar, is the most recent full survey of these political events.

⁸⁵ A.L.A., E 190, nos. 1–15, partially summarised in Morice, Preuves, III, 207–9.

⁸⁶ A.L.A., E 190, no. 3, fos. 1–17V. His terms of service as master of the artillery were fully set out in a commission of 17 Jan. 1467 (B 5, fos. 9r–11r); see La Borderie, , Histoire de Bretagne, IV, 471–2, 500–2Google Scholar, and Haut–Jussé, B. A. Pocquet du, François II, due de Bretagne et l'Angleterre (Paris, 1929) for ChauvinGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁸ A.L.A., E 190, no. 3, fo. 6r; Calmette, J. and Déprez, E. (Les premièresgrandes puissances (Paris, 1939), p. 165)Google Scholar mistakenly attributed this exchange to the year 1486.

⁸⁹ Lettres de Louis XI, roi de France, ed. Vaesen, J. and Charavay, E. (11 vols., Paris, 1883–1909), VI, no. MVIIIGoogle Scholar; cf. Ill, no. CCCXXV.

⁹⁰ A.L.A., E 190, no. 2, fo. 86. Rouville had been prominent in the ducal council since 1459 at least (E 131 passim). Commynes thought him a very clever man who needed to keep his wits about him (Mémoires, ed. Calmette, J. and Durville, G., 3 vols., Paris, 1924–1925, I, 15)Google Scholar.

⁹¹ A.L.A., E 190, no. 2, fo. 86v; cf. no. i, fos. 9r–11r, 43, 66 8. Succeeding his famous uncle, a faithful servant of Charles VII, Tanguy had been dismissed in 1461, fought against Louis in 1465, but rejoined him in May 1468 when Francis II referred to his ‘desertion’ and dismissed him from the captaincy of Nantes (B 6, fo. 97V). Although there were occasional rumours of a reconciliation with the duke (Morice, , Preuves, III, 207Google Scholar) and Louis feared ‘que vous aiez joue ce tour et fait de la teste de Breton’ (Lettres, V, no. DCXCII), he kept spies in Brittany and remained loyal until his death at the siege of Bouchain in May 1477, his Breton lands having been seized (Morice, , Preuves, III, 240, 281Google Scholar; LaBorderie, , Histoire de Bretagne, IV, 465–7)Google Scholar.

⁹² A.L.A., E 190, no. 3, fo. 5r; Contamine, , Guerre, état et société, pp. 238–9, 496–8, 412 etcGoogle Scholar. Dismissed in 1461, Lohéac began to receive a pension again from Louis XI in 1466. He was one of the first knights of the Order of St. Michel but continued to manage his Breton estates, including the ancient barony of Lanvaux revived for him in 1464, until his death in i486 (B.N., MS. Nouv. acq. fr. 24169, nos. 34–41; A.L.A., B 3, fos. 152v–155r; Morice, , Preuves, III, 480–2)Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ Morice, , Preuves, II, 1404–6Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ A.L.A., E 198.no. 17 (Jan. 1480: inquiry into relations of Oliver du Tertre, porter of St-Malo, with the admiral of France, Louis Malet de Graville).

⁹⁶ A.L.A., E 4, no. 5 (1 Oct. 1484: grant to Francis of Avaugour of lands seized because ‘paravant ces heures feu Guillaume Chauvin, nostre chancelier et chief de nostre conseil, eust secretement et a nostre desceu prins intelligence et entendement a aucuns quels il savoit et congnoissoit estre noz adversaires et annemys mortelz et avecques eulx fait plusieurs factions et conspiracions par messagiers et… personnes quil y avoit diverses foiz envoye se delibere et conclut daller de sa personne servir led. party a nous contraire de laisser et abandoner nostre service, il qui estoit subgect et originaire de nostre pays, en comectant parce moyen a lencontre de nous et le bien publicque de nostre pays crime de lese majeste.’) Louis XI had unsuccessfully evoked the case of Guillaume Chauvin and his son Jean to the parlement of Paris for deniel of justice by duke Francis II on 27 August 1482 (A.L.A., E 198, no. 411).

⁹⁷ La Borderie, , Histoire de Bretagne, IV, 504–20Google Scholar. A petition to Chauvin from someone terrified by Landois, who suspected him of revealing to Francis 11 that the treasurer was using necromancy to maintain his dominance over the duke, may be found in Morice, , Preuves, III, 399–400Google Scholar; see also ibid., 433–7 and 548 for further cases of lese-majesty.

⁹⁸ A.L.A., B 11, fos. 13V, 82, 135V, 152; B 12, fos. 86, 138, 140 etc.; B 13, fos. 34V, 64V, 66, 99V, 110, 1 18v–20r, 127–8 etc.

⁹⁹ Labande-Mailfert, , Charles VIII, pp. 55 ff.Google Scholar; B.N., MS. Nouv. acq. fr. 1232 contains copies of letters from Francis of Avaugour, Francis of Laval, lord of Gavre, Guy XV of Laval, John II of Rohan, John IV of Rieux, Peter of Rohan, lord of Quintin and others to Charles VIII soliciting offices and other favours and reporting news from Brittany from 1484. Duke Francis II sought to strengthen the loyalty of his son, which was already wavering in 1485–6, by augmenting his apanage in January 1487 (A.L.A., B 10, fo. 108r), but by March he was stated to be in rebellion (fo. 155V). On 7 August 1487 he had a safe conduct to come to the duke (fo. 201 v), his supporters already having received a pardon (E 200, no 15). But now in receipt of a royal pension of 6000 livres tournois (A.N., KK 79, fo. 66r), he was collaborating closely with royal forces (B.N., MS. Nouv. acq. fr. 1232, fo. 176; cf. fo. 52. See also Lettres de Charles VIII, ed. Pelicier, P. and Mandrot, B. de (5 vols., Paris, 1898–1905)Google Scholar, ii, nos. CCCLXXXIII, CCCCXXIII, CCCCXLVIII).

¹⁰⁰ A.L.A. B 12, fo. 56V (4 Jan. 1490: declaration by Duchess Anne that all those obeying the king would be treated as guilty of lese-majesty); for the later enquiries see ‘Enquête relative à la prise d'un seigneur breton qui tenait le parti des franc.ais contre la duchesse Anne de Bretagne pendant la guerre de 1488–89’, Bulletin de la société archéologique du Finistère, iii (1875–1876), 14–30Google Scholar (now Arch. dep. du Finistere, 1 E504); Arch, municipales, Guingamp. AA 7, no. 22 (‘Enqueste de la chancellerie et conseill du roy nostre sire en Bretagne’, Sept. 1492, concerning the delivery of Guingamp to the French on 21 January 1489). For accusations of treachery against Guillaume de Rosnyvinen for delivering St-Aubin du Cormier in October 1487, see A.L.A., B n, fos. 8 and 30; Morice, , Preuves, III, 558–63Google Scholar; Jones, , ‘The Breton Nobility and their Masters’, 51–2Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Archiv des Ordens vom Goldenen Vliesse, Vienna, Reg. 2, fos. 6 ff. (proceedings against the Croy family, summarised in de Reiffenberg, Baron, Histoire de I'ordre de la Toison d'Or (Bruxelles, 1830), pp. 45 ff.Google Scholar). I am grateful to the Librarian, History Faculty Library, Oxford, for permission to consult a microfilm of this register. Armstrong, C.A.J. (‘Had the Burgundian Government a policy for the Nobility?’, England and the Netherlands, II, ed. Bromley, J. S. and Kossman, E. H. (Groningen, 1964), pp. 9–32Google Scholar) has argued that the Valois dukes early adopted the use of proceedings for lese-majesty, but this specific form of words is not included in any of the cases he cites for the action of the duke in his lands within the boundaries of the kingdom of France, though he appears to have executed traitors in his Imperial lands in accordance with the lex Julia maiestatis (Monstrelet, , Chronique, v. 67Google Scholar). In 1452 Philip the Good accused the men of Ghent of ‘conspiracion tres detestable’; and 7tyrannie evidente' but not treason (La Chronique de Mathieu d'Escouchy, ed. Beaucourt, G. du Fresne de, 3 vols., Paris, 1863–1964, III; 413–14)Google Scholar. In the 1478 and 1481 chapters of the Golden Fleece the cases of six knights who had joined Louis XI since 1477 were discussed. Only in that of Philippe de Crevecoeur was the charge specifically ‘faulsete, trahison et desloyaute envers mondict seigneur et dame’ ( de Reiffenberg, , Histoire, pp. 91–124Google Scholar). Commynes was less reticent with the charge of treason(cf. Dufournet, J., La destruction des mythes dans Us Memoires de Ph. de Commynes, Geneva, 1966, pp. 35–42Google Scholar). The duke of Burgundy was several times reminded by the parlement of Paris that he could not exercise rights of lese-majesty as were other lay magnates (Cuttler, , Law of Treason, pp. 67–8Google Scholar). There was a tentative attempt to claim that crimes of lese-majesty could be committed against the Dauphin in the Dauphine (ibid., pp. 25–6).

¹⁰² Huizinga, J., ‘L'Etat bourguignon, ses rapports avec la France et les origines d'une nationality neerlandaise’, Le Moyen Age, xl (1930), 180–4Google Scholar, citing Chastellain and Olivier de la Marche. See also Leguai, A., ‘The Relations between the Towns of Burgundy and the French Crown in the Fifteenth Century’, The Crown and Local Communities in England and France in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Highfield, and Jeffs, , pp. 129–45Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ In preparing this paper I have incurred particular debts to Christopher Allmand, Simon Cuttler, Wolfgang van Emden, André Leguai, Robin Storey and Malcolm Vale. I am grateful to the British Academy for financing a visit to Paris from the Small Research Grants in the Humanities Fund.