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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
The ‘seventeen Netherlands’ owed their existence entirely to the energies of their rulers. Until 1548 when this hotchpot of duchies, counties and lordships was united in the Burgundian circle of the Empire, the boundaries of the Low Countries had expanded or contracted according to the military and diplomatic fortunes of their princes: there was nothing natural or inevitable about them. Charles V had, for example, threatened to annexe the prince-bishopric of Münster in 1534–5, as he had added Utrecht only a few years earlier. Nor can the incorporation of the duchy of Gelre in 1543 be considered the outcome of an ineluctable historical process. Since the late fifteenth century the rulers in the Low Countries had sought to assert their control over the duchy. But there had been times when it seemed as though Gelre, which looked Januslike both up and down the Rhine, might, in combination with Jülich and Cleves, have constructed a formidable anti-Habsburg constellation into whose orbit a large part of the northern Netherlands would be drawn.
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33 E.g. Tournai (1522), Utrecht (1528), Ghent (1540). An anonymous memorandum, probably composed in 1567–8, advised Philip II, among many other things, to suppress the Breeden Raedt in the towns as this general council was considered a cause of political instability (Archives ou correspondance inédite de la maison d'Orange-Nassau. Supplément, ed. Nijenhuis, J. T. Bodel (Leiden, 1847), IX, 74*–5*)Google Scholar.
34 Huizinga, J., ‘Uit de voorgeschiedenis van ons national besef’, Verzamelde werken (Haarlem, 1948), pp. 97–160Google Scholar. This was first published in 1912.
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38 Correspondance de Philippe II, I, 239Google Scholar, 260; de France, Renon, Histoire des causes de la désunion, révoltes el altérations des Pays-Bas, 1559–1592, ed. Piot, C. (Brussels, 1886), I, 29Google Scholar.
39 Gachard, L. P., Relations des ambassadeurs vétitiens sur Charles-Quint et Philippe II (Brussels, 1856), p. 87Google Scholar.
40 Rosenfeld, , ‘The Provincial Governors’, pp. 243–4Google Scholar.
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42 Gachard, , Relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens, pp. 42–3Google Scholar. Badoaro's, impression receives confirmation from the Estat du roy d' Espaigne… en l'an 1558 published with Relations, pp. 251–70Google Scholar.
43 Rosenfeld, , ‘The Provincial Governors’, pp. 199–200Google Scholar.
44 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, I, 101–2. See also Louant, A., ‘Charles de Lalaing et les remonstrances d'Emmanuel-Philibert de Savoie (juillet et novembre 1556)’, Bulletin de la commission royale d'histoire, xcvii (1933), 255–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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47 Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, II, 74; The Apologie of Prince William of Orange against the Proclamation of the King of Spaine, ed. Wansink, H. (Leiden, 1969), pp. 48–51Google Scholar.
48 In practice contemporaries acknowledged that there were different sorts of ‘foreigner’. In Holland natives of Brabant were forbidden to hold office on the grounds that they were uytheemschen and the States of Holland were reluctant to make an exception even for the stadhouder for fear the prince might appoint ‘a Spaniard or an Englishman’, Resolutiën van de Staten van Holland (The Hague), 1555, pp. 12Google Scholar, 14, 33. But, as the above extract testifies, the King drew the sharpest distinction between those born (or brought up) within his various dominions and those born outside: see also Bor, , Oorsprongk, III, 139Google Scholar, and Correspondance de Philippe II III, 586.
49 Rosenfeld, , ‘The Provincial Governors’, pp. 137–9Google Scholar.
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52 Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, II, 400. For other examples, see pp. 231, 295, 305.
53 Muchembled, , ‘Registre secret de François de Boffles’, II, 42Google Scholar, 64, 85.
54 van Langeraad, L. A., Guido de Bray, zijn leven en werken (Zierikzee, 1884), p. cviiiGoogle Scholar.
55 Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, II, 35–9; see also the Correspondance de Philippe II, I, 259.
56 Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, p. 60Google Scholar.
57 Archives ou correspondance inédite de la maison d'Orange-Nassau, ed. van Prinsterer, G. Groen (Leiden, 1835), II, 470Google Scholar.
58 See the petition addressed to Brederode by three Protestant prisoners in July 1566 in Archives ou correspondance, II, 143–4.
59 Oudendijk, J. K., ‘“Den Coninck van Hispaengien heb ick altijt gheert”’, Dancwerc. Opstellen aangeboden aan Prof. dr.D. Th.Enklaar (Groningen, 1959), pp. 264–78Google Scholar.
60 Poelhekke, J. J., ‘The Nameless Homeland of Erasmus’, Acta historiae neerlandicae, vii (1974), 54–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Quotation on p. 55.
61 Groenveld, S., ‘Natie en nationaal gevoel in de zestiende-eeuwse Nederlanden’, Nederlands archievenblad, lxxxiv (1980), 376Google Scholar. I am obliged to the author for giving me an offprint of his stimulating article so soon after publication.
62 Dupont-Ferrier, G., ‘Le sens des mots “patria” et “patrie” en France au moyen-âge et jusqu'au début du XVIIe siècle’, Revue historique, clxxxviii (1940), 95Google Scholar.
63 Poelhekke, , ‘The Nameless Homeland’, 58Google Scholar. Payen, Pontus writes of ‘nostre Gaule Belgique’ when referring to the southern Netherlands, Mémoires, II, 190–1Google Scholar. In the late sixteenth century some parts of the northern Netherlands still felt a sentimental attachment to the German Nation. In 1578 the subjects of the Count of Culemborg swore to render no aid to Don John and his followers because they were ‘dootsvyanden ende vertreders onses Vaderlants ende der geheelen Duytscher Nation’ (van Schilfgaarde, A. P., Het Huis Bergh (Maastricht, 1950), p. 194)Google Scholar.
64 van Roosbroeck, R., Emigraten. Nederlendse vluchtelingen in Duitsland (1550–1600) (Louvain, 1968), pp. 349–51Google Scholar. Exiles from the south occasionally had inserted into their contracts a condition releasing them, should political and religious circumstances permit them to return to their ‘vaederlicke stadt’ or their ‘vaderlant vlaenderen’ (e.g. Bricls, J., ‘Zuidnederlandse onderwijskrachten in Noordnederland, 1570–1630’, Archief voor de geschiedenis van de katholieke kerk in Nederland, xiv (1972), 280Google Scholar; Kerkelijk archief Enkhuizen, 10a Kerkeraadsnotulen, 23 May 1585). For similar usage in the seventeenth century, see Kossmann, E. H., ‘The Dutch Case: A National or a Regional Culture?’, T.R.Hist.S., 5th series, xxix (1979), 165Google Scholar.
65 Woordenboek der nederlandsche taal, ed. de Vries, M., te Winkel, L. A. et al. (The Hague, 1958), XVIII, col. 176Google Scholar; Verwijs, E. and Verdam, J., Middelnederlandsch woordenboek (The Hague, 1916), VIIIGoogle Scholar, col. 1140.
66 Kantorowicz, E. H., The King's Two Bodies. A Study in Political Theology (Princeton, 1957). PP. 246–8Google Scholar.
67 Jacobs, H. H., ‘Studien zur Geschichte des Vaterlandsgedankens in Renaissance und Reformation’, Die Welt als Geschichte, xii (1952), 94Google Scholar.
68 E.g. Archives ou correspondance, III, 143; Drewes, J. B., Wilhelmus van Nassouwe. Een proeve van synchronische interpretatie (Amsterdam, 1946), pp. 64–5Google Scholar. Groenveld, (‘Natie en nationaal gevoel’, 377–80)Google Scholar believes that the concept of the ‘common fatherland’ occurred as the horizons of the political nation extended outwards from the local urban or rural community to encompass the whole province, or, in the case of the high nobility, the whole country. In the absence of any evidence that the term gemene vaderland was used before c. 1567, this must remain an attractive hypothesis, though the Grand Privilège (11 February 1477) does refer to onsen ghemeenen landen, meaning the Burgundian Netherlands (see Klein plakkaatboek van Nederland, ed. de Blécourt, A. S. and Japikse, N. (Groningen and The Hague, 1919), pp.4–6)Google Scholar.
69 For numerous examples see Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, II; La correspondance duprince Guillaume d'Orange avec Jacques de Wesenbeke (Utrecht and Amsterdam, 1896)Google Scholar and Fredericq, P., Het nederlandsch proza in de zestiendeeuwsche pamfletten uit den tijd der beroerten met eene bloemlezing (1566–1600) (Brussels, 1907), pp. 23–51Google Scholar.
70 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, VII, 590.
71 Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, p. 38Google Scholar.
72 Wilson, , Queen Elizabeth and the Revolt, p. 35Google Scholar.
73 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, VII, 557, 572–3, 597–9. in 1578 Anjou's envoys were, predictably, very pessimistic about the chances of the Netherlands governing themselves (Documents concernant les relations entre le due d'Anjou et Its Pays-Bas {1576–1584), ed. Muller, P. L. and Diegerick, A. (Utrecht, 1889), I, 155)Google Scholar. In 1587, when the United Provinces faced a very uncertain future, the States General drew courage from the achievements of the rebels after 1572, when they had stood alone against the might of the King of Spain (Bor, , Oorsprongk, II, 907)Google Scholar.
74 Even in Flanders the Pacification was initially received with little enthusiasm by the provincial authorities, though the Eternal Edict (12 February 1577), by which Don John ratified the Pacification in return for an undertaking that the States General would maintain the King's authority and the Catholic religion, was greeted more warmly (van Peteghem, P., ‘Vlaanderen in 1576: revolutionair of reactionair?’, Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis, lxxxix (1976), 335–57)Google Scholar.
75 , P. Génard, La furie espagnole. Documents pour servir à l'histoire du sac d'Anvers en 1576 (Antwerp, 1876), p. 13Google Scholar.
76 Ibid., p. 109.
77 Actes des états-généaux des Pays-Bas, 1576–1585, ed. Gachard, L. P. (Brussels and The Hague, 1861), I, 27Google Scholar.
78 Génard, , La furie espagnole, p. 305Google Scholar.
79 Ibid., p. 307; Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, IX, 96–7.
80 E.g. Letters in Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, III, 106–13.
81 E.g. Genard, , Lafurie espagnole, p. 138Google Scholar; Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, III, 120. Orange evidently ceased to use this formula in 1580 (ibid., IV, 253).
82 E.g. ibid., IV, 181–5.
83 Metsius, , ‘Sur les causes’, pp. 744Google Scholar, 752; De Lumbres used the formula vray patriot, when writing to the States-General in 10 1577 (Documents concernant les relations entre le due d'Anjou, I, 68–9)Google Scholar. In the summer of 1577 English agents in the southern provinces referred in their despatches to ‘the best patriotes and lovers of their countrie’, ‘the best patriotes’ and ‘wise discreete and good patriots’ (Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, IX, 333, 393,427).
84 For the usage of patriot I have consulted Huguet, E., Dictionnaire de la langue française du seizième siècle (Paris, 1961), V, 685Google Scholar; Robert, P., Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la langue française (Paris, 1962), V, 191Google Scholar, and Littré, E., Dictionnaire de la langue française (n.p., 1957), V, 1561–2Google Scholar. From these it is evident that until c. 1560 patriot was used only in the sense of compatriot and there is no clear proof that it was used in the sense of one who loves his country until the late 1570s, when significantly most of the examples are taken from the writings of Marnix. According to the Oxford English Dictionary patriot was not current in English before 1605.
85 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, IX, 333; see also petition submitted in June 1578 to the Matthias, Archduke by certain Protestants, cited in ‘Mémoires des choses passées au Pays-Bas depuis l'an XV septante-six jusques may 1580’, La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris.Notices et extraits des manuscrils qui concernent l'histoire de Belgique, ed. Gachard, L. P. (Brussels, 1875), I, 190Google Scholar.
86 E.g. de Pottre, Jan, a Catholic inhabitant of Brussels, suspects the States' soldiers are ‘ patryotten in de kiste…maer niet patryotten van huerlieder vaederlant’ (Dagboek van Jan de Pottre, 1549–1602, ed. Baron de, S.Genois (Ghent, 1861), p. 85)Google Scholar. For Pontus Payen's bitter remarks, see his Mémoires, II, 76, 183–5.
87 By virtue of these antecedents patriot was associated in the late sixteenth-century Netherlands with a complex of ideas that could not always be reconciled. These included the fight against Spain, the cause of Protestantism, Liberty and the party of William of Orange. During the internal political conflicts in the seventeenth century, the States Party annexed the title of patriot, though the Orangists fiercely contested their claim and distinguished between old-fashioned Patriots and the rest. Consequently patriot reinforced its republican resonances, which commended it to those who wished to reform radically the Dutch ancien regime at the close of the eighteenth century. For more details see Kossmann, E. H., In Praise of the Dutch Republic: Some Seventeenth-century Attitudes (London, 1963), pp. 8–11Google Scholar; Woordenboek der nederlandsche taal, XII, i, col. 804–10.
88 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, IX, 538–40.
89 In fact Orange had been called the ‘father of the fatherland’ by several writers before 1577; e.g. in 1571 by Geldorp (see Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, p. 92)Google Scholar. In 1572 he was spoken of as the ‘redeemer of the freedom of the Netherlands’, ibid., p. 93, and as ‘the patron of the fatherland and champion of freedom‘, ibid., p. 97.
90 For Arminius, see Trübners Deutsches Wörterbuch, ed. Gotze, A. and Mitzka, W. (Berlin, 1956), VII, 366Google Scholar; for Philip the Good, see Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, p. 121Google Scholar and ‘Verslag der nederlandsche gezanten aan den prins van Orange en aan de Staten Generaal wegens het voorgevallene bij de aanbieding der hooge overheid aan den hertogcan Anjou’, Verhandelingenen onuitgegeven stukken betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, ed. de Jonge, J. C. (Delft, 1825), I, 121Google Scholar; for Louis XII see New Cambridge Modern History, ed. Potter, G. R. (Cambridge, 1961), I, 293Google Scholar.
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95 Relations politiques des Pays-Bas, IX, 442.
96 Correspondance de Valentin de Pardieu, Sr. de la Motte, 1574–1594, ed. Diegerick, I. L. A. (Bruges, 1857), p. 37Google Scholar; for Dutch text, see Bor, , Oorsprongk, II, 46Google Scholar.
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99 The Swiss constitution was held up by some patriots as a model for the Netherlands c. 1577 (see Metsius, , ‘Sur les causes’, p. 769Google Scholar; Mulier, E. O. G. Haitsma, The Myth of Venice and Dutch Republican Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Assen, 1980), p. 64, n. 199)Google Scholar.
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101 For the fears of the Walloon nobility about the break up of their regiments, see Mémoires sur Emmanuel de Lalaing, baron de Montigny, ed. Blaes, J. B. (Brussels, 1862), pp. ix–xi, 4–8Google Scholar, 10; ‘Mémoires des choses passées’, p. 188. Valentin de Pardieu was for ever demanding money to pay the troops under his command (see Correspondance de Valentin de Pardieu, passim). Farnese acutely sized up the plight of these Walloon nobles when he provided funds for the payment of their mutinous troops by the treaty of Mont St. Eloy (6 April 1579).
102 In 1587 Gerard Prouninck van Deventer published a pamphlet in which he sought to mitigate the wave of anti-English sentiment in the Union of Utrecht after William Stanley and Roland York's treachery at Deventer by listing the Netherlands nobles, who had ‘betrayed’ the towns and provinces entrusted to their care (Bor, , Oorsprongk, II, 883)Google Scholar.
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106 Correspondance secrète de JeanSarrazin,grand-prieur de Saint-Vaastavec la Cour de Namur, ed. Hirschauer, C. (Arras, 1912), p. 17Google Scholar.
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108 On the debates in the 1560s, see Crew, P. M., Calvinist Preaching and Iconoclasm in the Netherlands, 1544–1569 (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 43–50, 66–70, 128–34Google Scholar. That the debate continued may be surmised from the contemptuous remarks of Geldorpius in 1571 about ‘those heretics who loudly proclaim that the clattering of arms does not accord with the Gospel’ (Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, p. 91)Google Scholar. See also the reply of a Dutch minister to a colleague at Emden, who had evidently deplored the Reformed Protestants' involvement in the revolt in Holland after 1572 (van Schelven, A. A., ‘Emden in niederländischer Beleuchtung aus dem Jahre 1573’, Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für bildende Kunst und vaterländische Altertümer zu Emden, XX (1920), 174–93Google Scholar. For the Lutheran standpoint see following note.
109 Pont, J. W., Geschiedenis van het lutheranisme in de Nederlanden tot 1618 (Haarlem, 1911), PP. 373–6Google Scholar.
110 Pater, , ‘Leicester en Overijsel’, 265–6Google Scholar.
111 van der Woude, A. M., ‘De crisis in de opstand na de val van Antwerpen’, Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, xiv (1959–1960), 50, 53Google Scholar.
112 I am indebted to Dr. C. Hibben for information about Gouda and the revolt.
113 See van Berkel, K., ‘Aggaeus de Albada en de crisis in de opstand, 1579–1587’, Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, xcvi (1981), 1–25Google Scholar. Albada was also distressed by the spiritual and moral decadence of the governing classes in Holland.
114 Bor, , Oorsprongk, III, 107Google Scholar; see also Kossmann, and Mellink, , Texts concerning the Revolt, pp. 35, 44, 270Google Scholar, and above note 73.
115 Formsma, W. J., ‘De aanbieding van de landsheerlijkheid over Groningen aan de hertog van Brunswijk in de jaren 1592–1594’, Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, XC (1975), 11–14Google Scholar.
