^{page 51 note 1} Baldwin, F. E., Sumptuary Legislation and Personal Regulations in England (Johns Hopkins Univ., Studies in Hist, and Political Sciences, Baltimore 1926), pp. 96–119Google Scholar.

^{page 51 note 2} Incorporation of minstrels 1469 (Rymer, , Foedera, xi. 642–4)Google Scholarand of heralds 1484 (ibid., xii. 215–16). Both grants were undoubtedly due in large measure to the anxiety of certain members of each profession to secure a monopoly.

^{page 51 note 3} The succession question is examined by Chrimes, S. B., English Constitutional Ideas in the Fifteenth. Century (Cambridge, 1936), pp. 22–38Google Scholarand passim.

^{page 51 note 4} The resemblance in principle was underlined by Williams, C. H., in the Cambridge Medieval History, viii.420Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 1} Chrimes, , op. cit., pp. 34–8Google Scholar; Pickthorn, K., Early Tudor Government, i. 45, 161–2Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 2} Pollard, A. F., ‘Tudor Gleanings: the De Facto Act of Henry VII’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vii (1929–1930), 2Google Scholar:—’ It was the uncrowned king—the king de jure—who was a novelty, a novelty sprung from the revolutions and the reactions against the revolutions of 1399 and 1461’.

^{page 52 note 3} Rot. Parl., v. 462b, 477a.

^{page 52 note 4} ‘Narrative of the Marriage of Richard duke of York… 1477 (O.S.)‘, in Illustrations of Ancient State andChivalry, ed. Black, W. H. (Roxburghe Club, 1840),p.29Google Scholar. Her official style was more modest: ‘Item ducissa Ebor, mater regis Edwardi 4ti sic stabit in stylo: By the ryghtful enheritors wyffelate of the regne off England and of ffraunce and off thelordschyppe off Yrlonde, the kynges mowder ye Duchesse of Yorke’ (Abbreviata Cronica, 1377–1469, ed. Smith, J. J. (Publications of the Cambridge Antiquarian Soc, i, 1840–1946), p. 9)Google Scholar. The compiler of the Abbreviata Cronica was well acquainted with the Yorkist foundation of Stoke by Clare, and his version is probably taken from an original. Another form is ‘Cecilli the kyngs mooder and late wyf unto Richard rightfull kyng of England etc’ (Hist. MSS. Commission, Second Report (1871), Appendix, p. 94).

^{page 53 note 1} Pollard, op. cit., p. 2, n. 1. The term’ de facto’ was applied;to Edward IV during the readeption of Henry VI: ‘Edwardo nuper de facto rege Anglie… a possessione et exercicio regie dignitatis et potestatis in regno Anglie… ammoto’ (Year Book 10 Edward IV and 49 Henry VI, ed. Neilson, N. (Selden Soc, xlvii, 1930), p. 155)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 2} Rot. Part., v. 375a–377b.

^{page 53 note 3} Ibid., v. 379b. The chronicle of Vitellius A xvisays that Edward took possession ‘by the right of enherytaUnce as eldest son unto the duke of York’ (Chronicles of London, ed. Kingsford, C. L., Oxford, 1905, p. 174)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 4} A commission addressed to Edward as duke of York was issued under date of 12 February 1461 (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1452–61, p. 659). Among chroniclers, William Worcester, who as an antiquary was interested in titles of honour, speaks of Edward as duke of York at his accession (Wars of English in France, ed. Stevenson, J., Rolls Series, 1864, ii. 777)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 5} The protection was granted to the Provost and Fellows of Eton and is published by Lyte, H. C. Maxwell, History of Eton College (4th edn., 1911), p. 62Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 6} Williams, he. cit.; Chrimes, , op. cit., pp. 10–13Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 1} Schramm, P. E., History of the English Coronation (transl. Legg, L. G. W., Oxford, 1937). PP. 150–63Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 2} Gairdner, J., History of Richard III (3rd edn., 1898), pp. 87–93Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 3} Schramm, op. cit., pp. 148, 155, 159–60, 172Google Scholar, and ‘Ordines-Studien III’, Archiv für Urkundenforschung, xv. (1937), 305–91Google Scholar. The latter provides a chronological bibliography of texts and studies on English medieval coronation orders. For convenience I prefer, where necessary, to quote orders from the texts edited in one volume by Legg, L. G. W., English Coronation Records (1901)Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 4} Letter of George Neville to Francesco Coppini, bishop of Terni, dated from London 7 April 1461 (Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 61), ‘fu nominato et quasi per forza creato re generalmente et de gentilhomini et da plebei’. ‘He toke uppon hym the crowne of England by the avysse ofthe lordys spyrytual and temporalle, and by the elexyon of the comyns’ (Gregory's Chronicle in Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, ed. Gairdner, J., Camden Soc, N.S., xvii, 1876, p. 215)Google Scholar. The above may unhesitatingly be termed pro-Yorkist sources. Of non-partisan characterare: (1) Letter of Prospero di Camulio to the duke of Milan, dated from Brussels 27 March 1461, ‘il quale (viz. Edw. IV) electo novo rei da principi et populi in Londres…’ (Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 58–9), and (2) the marginal note ‘Rex eligitur’ in the Great Chronicle entered by the chronicler himself (the second chronicler) against his account of the meeting in St. John's Fields (Great Chronicle of London, ed. Thomas, A. H. and Thornley, I. D. (1938), pp. 195Google Scholar and introduction, xxii).

^{page 55 note 1} ‘Nam si unctio et coronatio talis per episcopum Cantauriensem sufficeret ad ordinandum aliquem in regem unctum Domini seu Christum Domini, tune ipse ad clamorem insurgentium in Kantia, posset pro libito unum alium ipsis in regem ordinare etiam ad placitum quot et quantosque voluerunt unctos. …; quod est ridiculum’ (De Titulo Edwardi Comitis Marchiae in Works of Sir John Fortescue, ed. Clermont, Lord, i. 71)Google Scholar. In March 1461 Edward's army contained inter alios Kentishmen (Short English Chronicle in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, ed. Gairdner, J., Camden Soc, N.S., xxviii, 1880, p. 77)Google Scholar. So perhaps Fortescue insinuates that the Yorkist title derived from the rabble.

^{page 55 note 2} The sources are conflicting and imprecise. George Neville, writing on 7 April, says 25 February (Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 61), and this is confirmed by Whetehamstede (Registrum Abbatiae Johannis Whetehamstede, ed. Riley, T. H., Rolls Series, i. 404)Google Scholar, the eighth day after the second battle of St. Albans fought on 17 February. The London chroniclers agree that the entry was on a Thursday, which can only be Thursday, 26 February. Gregory's chronicle alone (p. 215), states simply 26 February. The Short English Chronicle (ed. Gairdner, J., Camden Soc, N.S., xxviii, 1880, p. 77)Google Scholarand Fabyan (ed. H. Ellis, 1811, p. 639), give Thursday in the first week of Lent, and if Thursday in the first week of ‘clean’ Lent be understood, 26 February is indicated. After a gap in the text, Gough London 10 (in Six Town Chronicles, ed. Flenley, R., Oxford, 1911, p. 161)Google Scholar, speaks of ‘the Thursday after’, while the ‘Great Chronicle (ed. Thomas, A. H. and Thornley, I. S., pp. 194–5)Google Scholarindicates the Thursday following Queen Margaret's withdrawal north-wards, the dateof which is not precisely known, but was certainly not before Thursday, 19 February (C.Scofield, Life and Reign of Edward IV, i. 146–7). A letter dated from London, 4 March 1461 (Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 54), and the Brief Latin Chronicle (in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, p. 172), talk of 27 February, which is the latest possible date, as the protection issued by the future Edward IV to Eton (cf. supra, p. 53, n. 5) was dated from London on that day.

^{page 56 note 1} Worcester, , Annales, in Wars of the English in. France, ii. 777Google Scholar(cf. infra, 62, n. 5); ‘Vitellius A xvi’ in Chronicles of London, pp. 173–4 '• Gough ondon 10, p. 161; Great Chronicle, p. 195. The current connotation of captain is self-evident in Cade's name ‘the captain of Kent’ and the remarks by Dudley, Edmund in Tree of Commonwealth (ed. Harland, , Manchester, 1859, p. 58)Google Scholar. For the study of the City Chronicle it is interesting to note that the accountof the gathering in St. John's Fields is virtually identical in ‘Vitellius A xvi', Gough London 10 and Great Chronicle. ‘Vitellius A xvi’ is probably nearest to the archetype.

^{page 57 note 2} Short English Chronicle, p. 77.

^{page 57 note 3} Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 173.

^{page 57 note 4} Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 173, Worcester, Annales, p. 777, and Great Chronicle, p. 195, indicate that the decisive council was held 3 March 1461, as is also implied by Fabyan, p. 639, whereas Whethamstede (Registrum, i. 404) speaks of daily consultations between the lords spiritual and temporal. Worcester records the lesser members of the council, Lord FitzWalter, William Herbert knt., otherwise Lord Herbert (summoned to Parl. by writ of July 1461), Walter Devereux knt., otherwise Lord Ferrers of Chartley (writ July 1461), ‘et multi alii’. The duke of Norfolk played an obscure but influential part in these proceedings; see the obituary remarks of Fabyan, p. 652, andGreat Chronicle, p. 198. Worcester (loc cit.) makes it quite clear that the crown was awarded by the council ‘ubi concordarunt et concluserunt Edwardum ipsum… fore tune regem Angliae’, a conclusion substantiated by Brief Latin Chronicle (loc. cit.), ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174, Fabyan, p. 639, and Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (II) (in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores, ed. Fulman, W., i (1684), p. 550)Google Scholar. In July 1460, after the battle of Northampton, it was rumoured that a son of the duke of York would be made king (Correspondence de la filiale de Bruges des Medici, ed. A. Grunzweig (Comm. roy. d'hist de Belgique, 1931), p. 91).

^{page 56 note 5} Gough London 10, p. 161.

^{page 57 note 1} For the accustomed route (1471) of the general procession see Arriyall of Edward IV, ed. Bruce, J., Camden Soc. (1848), p. 15Google Scholar, and Great Chronicle, p. 215.

^{page 57 note 2} Gough London 10, p. 161; Great Chronicle, p. 195.

^{page 57 note 3} Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 173.

^{page 57 note 4} 1459: sermon against defeated Yorkist lords (Paston Letters, ed. Gairdner, , iii. 196)Google Scholar; 1470: readeption of Henry VI (Scofield, Edward IV, i. 538)Google Scholar; 1483: usurpation of Richard III (Gairdner, Richard III, pp. 79–82)Google ScholarPubMed. There is a curious continental parallel in the sermon of Dr. Hans Ernst who in 1453 preached in favour of Frederick the Victorious of the Palatinate, who occupied for life the territories of his nephew Philip (B. Pez, Thesaurus Anecdotorum iii, pt. 3, p. 304).

^{page 57 note 5} Grace Book A., ed. Leathes, S. M. (Cambridge Antiquarian Soc, extra vol. i, 1897), pp. 159, 171Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 6} Infra, p. 69, n. 3.

^{page 57 note 7} Cotton MS., Vespasian E. vii, from fos. 21 V.-22 v. of which Halliwell, J. O. (Archaeologies xxix, 1842, pp. 127–9)Google Scholarprinted the reputed sermon, is a miscellany, including annals, but so predominantly cryptic and prophetic that the collection must be regarded as an example of the abundant prophecy literature of the times (cf. Taylor, R., Political Prophecy in England, Columbia University Studies in English, 1911)Google Scholar. The volume was probably put together in or about 1461, as the accession of Edward IV is the latest event entered in the annals by the hand which wrote the major part of thecontents, including. that attributed by Halliwell to Neville. On internal evidence it is impossible to accept the identification of fos. 21 V.–22 v. with Neville's sermon at St. Paul's. The author of the ‘pseudo-Neville’, and of muchelse in the miscellany, was an ardent Welsh patriot who saw in the accession of Edward IV, descended from a daughter of Llewelyn ap Joworth (fo. 68 v.), the restoration of the British race and princes. ‘The ‘pseudo-Neville’ declares ‘righte for syne be wrong was put out anno 689 and now ageine wronge for syne be ryghte is flemed out the londe for ever anno 1460’ (p. 129). In the annals for the reign ofCadwallader (659–98 !) is a cross reference (fo. 49 r.), ‘Causa expulsionisBritonum’, and beneath ‘Cadwelladrus habuit responsum ab angelo quod Britones redierent Saxonibus expulsis cum hec peccata (to which explusion of Britons is attributed) fuerint ita profunde radicata in Saxonibus sicut fuerunt in Britonibus tune. Nota per angelum et per sanctos ad ilium numerum signatum 1460 quando recuperent.’ It is unlikely that George Neville was interested in Welsh patriotism, and it is unreasonable to suppose that he would have introduced the theme preaching to Londoners on behalf of Edward IV's title. The ‘pseudo-Neville’, which in the manuscriptis without note of authorship, is rather a survey of prophecies relating the fortunes of the Welsh with the Yorkist dynasty. Thus the revelations named by ‘pseudo-Neville’ are set out at length under the names of the several prophets in a later portion of the manuscript, e.g. Prophecy of the Sibyl (fo. 85 r.), Gildas (fo. 88 r.), St. Germanus (fo. 91 v.), Bede (fo. 95 r.), St. Bridget (fo. 116 v.).

^{page 58 note 1} Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 173. Friendliness to the Nevilles is evident in the description of events 1462–4 and 1469 (ibid., pp. 176, 178, 183); cf. also below, p. 71, n. 4.

^{page 58 note 2} Gough London 10, p. 161.

^{page 58 note 3} Ibid., p. 162. On the position of Chancery within the palace, see Stow's Survey of London (ed. Kingsford, C. L.), ii. 118Google Scholar; Wilkinson, B., Chancery under Edward III (Manchester 1929), p. 96Google Scholar; Smith, J. T., Antiquities of Westminster (1807 edn.), plate facing p. 125Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 4} Richardson, H. G., ‘The English Coronation Oath’, ante, 4th series, xxiii (1941), pp. 129–58Google Scholar, and the literature there quoted, p. 129, n. 1.

^{page 59 note 1} ‘Vitellius A xvi’ in Chronicles of London, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639.

^{page 59 note 2} In the late fourteenth-century order usually termed the ‘Lytlington ordo’ (Legg, L. G. W., English Coronation Records, p. 83)Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 3} Gough London 10, p. 162.; see Hope, W. H. St. John, ‘Note on the Cap of Maintenance’ in Legg, op. cit, pp. lxxxii–lxxxviiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 59 note 4} Legg, op. cit., pp. xxii–xxiii, 225 (Little Device); Schramm (transl, Legg), op. cit., pp. 171, 267.

^{page 59 note 5} Referring to the throne into which Richard III intruded himself on the day of his possession, Gairdner, J. (Richard III, edn. 1898, p. 94, note)Google Scholar, cautiously identifies it with the King's Bench. He had already given guarded approval to that assumption in the preface to Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, pp. xxii, xxvix–xxviii. It is virtually certain that the throne, whereon Edward IVand Richard III took possession, and that on which kings of England awaited the coronation procession, was none other than the King's Bench. In regard to normal coronations this identification is unhesitatingly accepted by Schramm (transl. Legg), op. cit., pp. 171, 267. For the inauguration of Edward IV the throne is described as: ‘sedes regalis’ (Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 173); ‘the See’, (Gough London 10, p. 162); ‘the kynges see’ (‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174; Great Chronicle, p. 195); ‘the high deace in the grete hall’ (Hearne's Fragment’ in Thotnae Sprotti Chronica, ed. Hearne, T., Oxford, 1719, p. 286)Google Scholar. For that of Richard III we have: ‘cathedra marmorea’ (Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (II), ed. Fulman, , i.566)Google Scholar; ‘the kyngys cheyer or place where alle kyngys take ffyrst possescion’ (Great Chronicle, p. 232); ‘ Ibi [Westminster] quum in ea sede collocasset se, quae regium tribunal, ob id vocatur, quod judicia sic in eo foro exerceantur, ac parem obtineant authoritatem, tanquam ipsius ore regis prolata, pro concione rursus ostendit ex eo loco potissimum possessionem sese regni capere’ (More, T., Historia Richardi III, in Opera Omnia, Louvain, 1566, fo. 56Google Scholar; the passage is omitted in More's English version of the History). In reports on coronation ceremonial we find: ‘sedes regalis’ (Legg., op. cit., p. 172) in ‘Forma & Modus’, compiled late in fourteenth century; ‘marble chair’ (Legg., op. cit., p. 225) in the ‘Little Device’;used for the coronations of Richard III and Henry VII; ‘Kings Bench’ (Legg., op. cit., p. 195) in a narrative of Richard Ill's coronation preserved in a seventeenth-century transcript. The only dissentient voice is that of Whetehamstede, who writes: ‘perrexit [Edw. IV]… ad palatium regium, existens apud West-monasterium ipsumque ingrediens accessit ad regis solium tempore parliamenti ibidem erectum’ (Registrum, ed. Riley, , i. 404)Google Scholar. This seems to indicate the throne in the Painted Chamber used at openings of parliament; cf. the customary formula, e.g. in parliaments of 1455, 1460, 1461, ‘ipso domino rege in camera depicta in regali solio residente’ Rot. Parl., v. 278a, 373a, 461a. I am unable to reconcile Whetehamstede's remark with the course of events as known from other sources.

^{page 60 note 1} The association of acclamation and elevation is aptly stated by the Croyland Chronicle referring to Edward IV ‘… acclamantibus cunctis in regem Angliae sublimatur’, Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (I), p. 532.

^{page 60 note 2} Taylor, A., Glory of Regality (1820), pp. 23–32Google Scholar; Schramm (transl. Legg), p. 3. Received theories are examined in the light of facts relating to certain tribes by Grierson, P., ‘Election and Inheritance in early Germanic Kingship’, Cambridge Historical Journal, vii (1941), 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 60 note 3} ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639; Great Chronicle, p. 195. ‘In the English coronation orders the sceptreis especially the sign of regal power, while the rod is more the ensign of the paternalauthority of the sovereign’ (Legg, , op. cit., p. xliii)Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 4} Cf. the remarks of More quoted above, p. 59, n. 5.

^{page 61 note 1} Flete, John, History of Westminster Abbey (ed. Robinson, J. Armitage, Cambridge, 1909), p. 28Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 2} The Short English Chronicle (ed. Gairdner, , p. 77)Google Scholarmerely states that Edward ‘resseyved the septor with his dignite’. Cf. also the Brief Latin Chonicle, p. 173, which distinguishes imperfectly between the ceremonies in the hall and the abbey.

^{page 61 note 3} Gough London IO, p. 162; Whetehamstede, i. 405.

^{page 61 note 4} ‘Vitellius A xvi', p. 174. Whetehamstede (he. cit.) terms the sceptre borne in the abbey ‘sceptrum regium’.

^{page 61 note 5} On the sceptres see Taylor, , op. dt., pp. 65–9Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 1} For this claim see the remarks of Flete and Sporleyquoted in the next notes.

^{page 62 note 2} For schedules of regalia, see Schramm, , Ordines III, p. 373Google Scholar. The list under Flete's name is in his History of Westminster Abbey (ed. Robinson, Armitage, p. 71)Google Scholar, that under Sporley's name is in Legg, , op. -cit., p. 191Google Scholar ‘S. Edwardus… omnia regalia ornamenta in ecclesia hac reservari precepit cum quibus ipse coronatus fuit…’

^{page 62 note 3} Legg, , op. cit., pp. xliv, 79–80, 272–5Google Scholar; Flete, , op. dt., p. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 4} ‘Where he soo beyng sett and his lordys spirituell and temporell standyng abowth hym…’ (Great Chronicle, p. 195). Richard III was attended on his right by Lord Howard (created two days later duke of Norfolk and Earl Marshal) and on his left by the duke of Suffolk (Fabyan, p. 669; Great Chronicle, p. 232).

^{page 62 note 5} ‘Georgius Nevyll… fecit publicari inter eos titulus quo potuit dictus Edwardus vendicare sibi coronam Angliae et Franciae, et continuo proclamavit omnis ipse populus Edwardum ipsum fore et esse regem. Interfui et audivi…’ Worcester, Annales (ed. Stevenson, , ii. 777)Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 1} Gough London 10, p. 162; ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639; Great Chronicle, p. 196.

^{page 63 note 2} Schramm (transl. Legg), op: dt., see index ‘Collaudatio’.

^{page 63 note 3} Whetehamstede, i. 404–5.

^{page 63 note 4} Letters and Papers Richard III, Henry VII (ed. Gairdner, ), i. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 5} Great Chronicle, pp. 195–6; Rot. Parl., v. 462a–467a.

^{page 63 note 6} Ibid., vi. 240a–242a.

^{page 64 note 1} ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639. According to Fabyan (p. 669), Richard III took the ‘royall othe’ seatedon the King's Bench.

^{page 64 note 2} Schramm, (transl. Legg, ), op. cit., p. 171Google Scholar. The ‘Little Device’ puts acclamation before oath (Legg, , op. cit., pp. 228, 230)Google Scholar. Before withdrawing from the hall Edward IV may have performed his first act as king, for according to Gough London 10 (p. 162) the mayor and aldermen of London supplicated for the confirmation of the city franchises, which he allowed. ‘Vitellius A xvi’ (pp. 174–5) places this episode in the evening of the same day, after the king had returned to the city and dined at the bishop's palace.

^{page 64 note 3} With the exception of Whetehamstede.

^{page 64 note 4} ‘Post declarationem tituli sui, seissivit coronam ac sceptrum sancti regis Edwardi et fecit seipsum proclamari regem Edwardum quartum’ (Worcester, , Annales, ed. Stevenson, , ii. 777)Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 5} Hall's, Chronicle, ed. Ellis, H., (1809), p. 254Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} On the service of the Ports see Schramm, (transl. Legg, ), op. tit., pp. 69, 254Google Scholar. Warwick was appointed warden in 1460, succeeding the dead Humphrey duke of Buckingham (Scofield, Edward IV, i. 112).

^{page 65 note 2} For the normal coronation procedure see Legg, , op. cit., p. xxiiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 3} Whetehamstede, i. 405; Gough London 10, p. 162; ‘Vitellius A’, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639; Great Chronicle, p. 196.

^{page 65 note 4} Minor Poems of Lydgate, ed. MacCracken, H. N., pt. ii. (Early English Text Soc, O.S., 192, 1934), PP. 646–7Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 5} Whetehamstede, i. 405; Gough London xo, p. 162; Fabyan, p. 639.

^{page 65 note 6} ‘…rediit iterum in chorum, ibique intuens solium alterum pro regia celsitudine erectum in ipsum asoendit…’ (Whetehamstede, i. 405); ‘…and there sett in the quere in a place ordeynyd ffor alle kyngys’ (Great Chronicle, p. 196, where the session in the homage throne incorrectly precedes the visit to the shrine); ‘…and then cam doune into the quere and sat there in'the see…’ (Gough London 10, p. 162).

^{page 65 note 7} ‘The Little Device’ (Legg, . op. cit., p. 234)Google Scholar, designates the throne as the ‘siege royall’ and the erection on which it stood as the ‘pulpit’. For the position and preparation of the throne see ibid., pp. 81, 173, and for directions of Henry VII see Collection of Ordinances… for the Royal Household (Society of Antiquaries of London, 1790), p. 122Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 8} Legg, , op cit., pp. liii, liv, 99, 234 (‘Little Device’)Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 1} ‘…sua signoria havea acceptato lo sceptro et bachetta regale et tutte le altre ceremonie excepto la untione et la corona…” (Brussels, , 27 03 1461: Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 59)Google Scholar. The Te Deum is recorded by Gough London 10, p. 162.; Great Chronicle, p. 196; and homage by ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 174; Fabyan, p. 639; ‘Hearne's Fragment’ in Sprott, p. 286. The Great Chronicle alone speaks of homage done in Westminster hall after the acclamation.

^{page 66 note 2} Whetehamstede, i. 405, 407, but note resemblance with the mock salutation of York after Wakefield (ibid., i. 382),

^{page 66 note 3} Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 60–3, 63–5.

^{page 66 note 4} Ibid., i. 64. The text of Beauchamp's letter is from a copy made by an Italian scribe, asappears from the words ‘humanissimo choragio’ at foot of p. 64.

^{page 67 note 1} Historia Croylandensis Continuatio(II), p. 550,

^{page 67 note 2} Kantorowicz, E. H., Laudes Regiae(Berkeley, 1946), p. 69, n. 174, 180Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 3} Ibid., p. 172 n.

^{page 67 note 4} Ibid., p. 79, for the much earlier connection between lauds and Te Deumin coronation orders.

^{page 67 note 5} Great Chronicle, p. 232.

^{page 68 note 1} Great Chronicle, p. 232. “Besides the great feast at Christmastide 1484 which he held there, Richard III showed his interest in the palace by commencing an impressive gatehouse. Stow's Survey, ed. Kingsford, , ii. 122Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 2} Henry VI had regularly lodged there.

^{page 68 note 3} Scofield, , Edward IV, i. 182–3Google Scholar. There was a rumour that the coronation would be deferred so that the day of the week should not coincide with that on which the preceding feast of Holy Innocents had fallen, a superstition in regard to which see Huizinga, J., Wege der Kultttrgeschichte (German transl., Munich, 1930), p. 285Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 4} Rot. Part., vi. 240a; Gairdner, , Richard III (edn. 1898), pp. 100–3Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 5} Henry V was crowned in 1413 on the fifth, Queen Katherine in 1421 on the third Sunday in Lent.

^{page 68 note 6} Scofield, , op. cit., i. 159Google Scholar, or 12 March according to the Calendar of State Papers, Milan, i. 61.

^{page 68 note 7} He also acted as Great Chamberlain, but as deputy of the earl of Warwick, who then held a grant of this office to which the earls of Oxford had an hereditary claim (Complete Peerage, ed. White, Doubleday, and de Walden, Howard, x (1945), pp. 217, 240Google Scholar; App. F., p. 62 n.) In 1461 George duke of Clarence (then in his twelfth year) presided as ‘senescallus Anglie’ the court of claims (Guildhall, Letter Book L, fo. 4r, referring to London's suit for its customary service). The claim of the Oxford burgesses shows that Lord Wenlock was assigned to receive petitions, and that he was counselled by the famous Thomas Yonge to whom the Oxford claim was put; see Munimenta Civitatis Oxonie, ed. Salter, H. E. (Oxford Historical Soc, lxxi, 1917), p. 222Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 1} vHistoria Croylandensis Continuatio (I), p. 532; Wavrin, , Croniques, ed. Hardy, (Rolls Series), v. 331, 333Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 2} Rot. Parl., v. 463a, also Edward IV writing to Thomas Cook, alderman of London, 13 March 1462 (Ellis, , Original Letters, II, i. 130)Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 3} Foedera, xi. 709–11 (27 April 1471).

^{page 69 note 4} The relevant passages in Fortescue's works are cited and examined by Chrimes, , op. cit., pp. 30, 64–5Google Scholar. Cf. also the succession award of 1460 ‘consideryng the possession of the seid king Henry, and that he hath for his tyme bee named, taken and reputed kyng’ (Rot. Parl., v. 378b). Allowing for the partiality of Louis XI for Lancaster, the remarks of De Commynes are never. theless significant for informed opinion abroad: ‘…Henry, qui maintz ans avoit regne’ en Angleterre, lequel, selon mon jugement et selon le monde, estoit vray roy…’ (Mimoires, ed. Calmette, J. and Durville, G., ii. 332–3)Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 1} Williams, C. H., ‘A Fifteenth-Century Law Suit’, Law Quarterly Review, xl (1934). 354–64Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 2} Gairdner, , History of Richard III (edn. 1898), pp. 98–100Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 3} Fortescue, , De Laudibus… (ed. Chrimes, S. B., 1942), pp. 22, 150 nGoogle Scholar.

^{page 70 note 4} Six Town Chronicles, ed. Flenley, R., pp. 108, 152Google Scholar; ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 172. According to Stow, (Annales, edn. 1631, fo. 423a)Google Scholar, Henry VI immediately on his readeption ‘went crowned’ to St. Paul's, but I have.not found the source of Stow's information.

^{page 71 note 1} Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (II), p. 571.

^{page 71 note 2} ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 176; Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 174; Great Chronicle, p. 198.

^{page 71 note 3} Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (II), p. 567; Vergil, Polydor, Anglica Historia (ed. Thysius, A., Leiden, 1651, pp. 693, 694, 695)Google Scholar; York Civic Records, ed. Raine, A., i (Yorkshire Archaeological Soc, Record Series, XCVIII, 1939), pp. 77–82Google Scholar. According to Hall, (Chronicle, edn. 1809, p. 380)Google ScholarRichard was ‘. appareilled in his circot robe royall', and the surcoat was one of the garments normally worn at a coronation; see Legg, op. cit., p. 225.

^{page 71 note 4} ‘Qui [Edw. IV] etiam gloriam glorie volens superaddere…’ {Brief Latin Chronicle, p. 174.) The Croyland Chronicle (loc. cit.) states that a date was fixed for a repetition at York of Richard's coronation; but except for a marginal note it does not say that a re-enactment of the coronation took place. The credibility of a second coronation has been examined and dis-missed (R. Davies, Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York, 1843, pp. 280–8). The probable explanation is, that the Croyland writer, who was hostile to Richard III, but had a real regard for historical truth, desired to present the normal crown wearing as an unusual act of a tyrant, but could not truthfully say that the king had been recrowned. Possibly the chronicler is appealing to a section of public opinion which disliked crown-wearing as an undesirable innovation, a sentiment already apparent in the Brief Latin Chronicle.

^{page 71 note 5} ‘Vitellius A xvi’, p. 176.

^{page 71 note 6} ‘York Civic Records, i, 77, 81.

^{page 72 note 1} ‘Vitellius A xvi', p. 176;Great Chronicle, p: 198; ‘Record of Blue-mantle Pursuivant’ in Kingsford, C. L., English Historical Literature of the Fifteenth Century, p. 379Google Scholar. On earlier crown wearings see Schramm (transl. Legg), op. cit., index.

^{page 72 note 2} On Twelfth night, 1488 (Leland, , Collectanea, ed. Hearne, T., (edn. 1770), iv. 235)Google Scholar. On All Saints, 1494 (Paston Letters, ed. Gairdner, , vi. 152Google Scholar; see also Collection of Ordinances… for the Royal Household, Society ofAntiquaries of London, 1790, pp. 120–1)Google Scholar.

^{page 72 page 3} Historia Croylandensis Continuatio (II), pp 573–4. See Scofield, , op. cit., i. 183Google Scholar n., for references to the ‘rich crown of king Edward’ or simply the ‘rich crown’ delivered to the Treasury in August 1461 after the coronation of Edward IV, and subsequently (March 1462) transferred to the custody of the keeper of the king's jewels.

^{page 72 note 4} ‘Bluemantle Pursuivant’, loc. cit. Sir John Paston writes from ‘The More’, 8 Jan. 1472: ‘the kyng hath kept a ryall Crystmesse’ (Paston Letters, v. 131).

^{page 72 note 5} Schramm, , Ordines Studien III, pp. 324–5, 335Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 6} Kingsford, , English Historical Literature…, p. 175Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 1} Political Poems…, ed. Wright, T. (Rolls Series) ii, pp. lxvii–lxix, 271–82Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 2} Ibid., p. 274.