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Russia and Panslavism in the Eighteen-Seventies

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 June 2009

Extract

When twenty years after the Crimean War the near eastern question again absorbed the attention of Europe, among the various changes in the setting of the crisis of 1876–8 as compared with that of 1853–6 appears conspicuously the new force styled panslavism. It is the purpose of this paper to attempt some analysis of its growth and its main elements with a view to indicating its position and potentialities on the eve of the crisis of 1876.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1935

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References

page 25 note 1 On the panslavs and the Slavophils, besides their own writings, I have found specially useful: Gershenzon, M., Istoricheskie Zapiski (2nd edition; Berlin, 1923);Google ScholarBrodsky, N. L., Rannie Slavyanofili (Moscow, 1910);Google ScholarMasaryk, T. G., The Spirit of Russia (2 vols.; London, 1919);Google ScholarPipin, A. N., Panslavizm v proshlem i nastoyashchem (St. Petersburg, 1913;Google Scholar originally published in Vestnik Evropy, Oct.–Dec, 1878); Fischel, A., Der Panslavismus bis zum Weltkrieg (Berlin, 1916).Google Scholar

page 27 note 1 Gershenzon, M., Istoricheskie Zapiski, pp. 44–5 and 94–5 (2nd edition; Berlin, 1923); referring to such families as the Kirievskys, the Koshelovs, the Homyakovs, or the Samarins.Google Scholar

page 28 note 1 A noticeable feature in the writings of the later panslavs, such as Aksakov, Danilevsky and O. Miller, is the emphasis placed on the changed position of Russia vis-à-vis the other Slavs as a consequence of the emancipation of the serfs and the other reforms of the early 'sixties: Russia they claimed could now, as she could not formerly, appeal to them in the name of liberty and a new range of cultural development.

page 30 note 1 Aksakov founded three short-lived papers, Den in 1861 and Moskva and Moslkvich in 1867 and 1868, but they fell foul of the censorship on account of internal policy and further funds were not forthcoming, until 1880. Aksakov and the Slavophils in general were among the most prominent in the struggle against the press censorship.

page 31 note 1 His panslav writings are collected in the first volume of his collected works, Slavyansky vopros: there is a valuable, though very hostile, article, by Pipin, A. N., reviewing this in Vestnik Evropy, August, 1886, pp. 763807.Google Scholar

page 33 note 1 The historical origin and development of the mir or village community was the subject of acute controversy between the Slavophils and their opponents. The former took little or no account of certain aspects of the mir which in fact had been imposed from above by the state within the last two centuries. The zsmsky sobor, roughly comparable to the Etats généraux, had not met since 1682. A revival of it in some form might serve as a curb on the Tsar and the bureaucracy on the part of the landowners.

page 34 note 1 On Tyutchev's panslav ideas, see Florovsky, G., “The Historical Premonitions of Tyutchev” in Slavonic Review, vol. 3, pp. 337–49.Google Scholar Countess Bludova, a fanatical anti-Pole, was a close friend of Bashanov, the Empress's confessor, and of Tyutchev's two daughters, both ladies-in-waiting, and one of them subsequently married to Aksakov and an important link between Aksakov, Pogodin, and Katkov, and court circles. For Pobedonostsev's connection with Aksakov through the daughters of Tyutchev, cf. Pobedonostsev and Alexander III” in Slavonic Review, vol. 7, pp. 31–2.Google Scholar

page 36 note 1 Nolde, B. E., Yury Samarin i ego vremya (Paris, 1926), p. 186; quoting a private letter of Samarin written in 1864.Google Scholar

page 39 note 1 Gorchakov to Novikov, 9 May, 1872, in notes kindly lent to me by Baron A. F. Meyendorff and made from the archives of the Imperial Russian Embassy in London.

page 40 note 1 Briefwechsel des Botschafters General v. Schweinitz (Berlin, 1928), p. 47.Google Scholar

page 40 note 2 Stanton (Cairo) to Derby, no. 17, very confidential, 15 January, 1876, in F.O. 181/535.

page 41 note 1 Russkoe obshchestvo v nastoyashchem i budushchem, in his collected works, vol. 3, pt. 1, pp. 102–4. He is writing specifically of slavophilism in relation to the internal problems of Russia, but the views here expressed are, I think, typical of his attitude to slavophilism in general.Google Scholar

page 42 note 1 My quotations are from the second English edition, published in 1876.

page 44 note 1 Slav was frequently at this time spelt in English Slave, thus evoking a wholly different range of associations from those suggested to Slavs themselves by their common name,–Slava meaning glory.

page 45 note 1 The following paragraphs on Ignatyev are based mainly on my article Ignatyev at Constantinople, 1864–74,” in Slavonic Review, vol. ii, PP. 343–4, 569–71.Google Scholar

page 47 note 1 For Leontyev's views see his Vostok, Rossiya i Slavyanstvo, vol. i (Moscow, 1885),Google Scholar a republication with some additions of his articles on the eastern question, notably Panslavizm i Greki (1873) and Bizantism i Slavyanstvo (1875).

page 48 note 1 There is no English translation of it in the British Museum. The only German translation that I know of was not published until 1920, and in a very much shortened version.

page 50 note 1 Dnevnik Pisatelya, in his collected works, 6th ed., e.g., vol. ii, pp. 281–3; vol. 12. PP. 71–3, 7882, 354–60.Google Scholar

page 50 note 2 Gorchakov on the Countess Bludova, , Russkaya Starina, vol. 133, 1908, p. 96.Google Scholar

page 50 note 3 Danilevsky in articles published in 1877, reprinted in Streltsov, P., Rossiya, Tsargrad i prolivi, pp. 6670:Google ScholarLeontyev, in Grazhdanin, 1878,Google Scholar reprinted in Vostok, Rossiya i Slavyanstvo, vol. i, pp. 249–50, 254–5: cf. 76, 239.Google Scholar