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⁸ By comparison, the role of wind and water power was very limited in the metropolitan area, but water-mills were crucial in other parts of Britain during the industrial revolution. See Reynolds, T.S., Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore and London, 1983)Google Scholar; Hills, R.L., Power in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1970)Google Scholar.

⁹ T. Almeroth-Williams, ‘City of beasts: quadrupeds in Hanoverian London’, University of York Ph.D. thesis, forthcoming. Horse-mills appear in sale-of-stock advertisements for several trades in the London press, as do draught horses and their vehicles. Horse-mills are depicted in the trade cards of some colourmen and snuff-makers (see British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings) as well as in scientific publications, such as Martin, Benjamin, The General Magazine of Arts and Sciences, Philosophical, Mathematical, and Mechanical . . ., 14 vols. (London, 1755–65), vol. XIV, 52Google Scholar.

¹⁰ McShane and Tarr, The Horse in the City, 2.

¹¹ Donald, ‘“Beastly sights”’, 55.

¹² McShane and Tarr, The Horse in the City, 1, assert that the relationship between men and horses was symbiotic and that while urban horses probably worked harder than their rural counterparts, they were better cared for.

¹³ Barnett, D., London, Hub of the Industrial Revolution (London and New York, 1998), 41Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Mathias, P., The Brewing Industry in England 1700–1830 (Cambridge, 1959), 27Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Ibid., 23. By 1748, the 12 largest firms accounted for 42% of London's production. This rose to 55% by 1776, to 78% by 1815 and to 85% by 1830. Barnett, London, Hub of the Industrial Revolution, 42.

¹⁶ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 25, 551.

¹⁷ Ibid., 79.

¹⁸ London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), Financial Records of Truman Hanbury Buxton and Co. Ltd (B/THB), B/3–26, rest books, 1759–80 and 1790–1837. Prior to 1775, the brewery only recorded the combined value of its dray- and mill-horses.

¹⁹ A rare surviving stable book for Barclay Perkins provides a weekly stock-take of the company's dray-horses from Sept. 1827 to Apr. 1839, but this time-scale makes extrapolation difficult; LMA, Courage Barclay and Simonds Ltd (ACC/2305), 1/1300, Barclay Perkins stable book, 1827–39.

²⁰ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 79 and Table 43. Mathias used data from brewery and parliamentary records to ascertain annual barrelage.

²¹ Ibid., 22.

²² Prothero, I.J., Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London: John Gast and his Times (Folkestone, 1979), 2Google Scholar; Jones, G.S., Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971), 19–21Google Scholar. The industrial revolution has been described as ‘a storm that passed over London and broke elsewhere’, J.L. Hammond quoted in Johnson, P., ‘Economic development and industrial dynamism in Victorian London’, London Journal, 21 (1996), 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also George, M.D., London Life in the Eighteenth Century, 2nd edn (London, 1930)Google Scholar; Ashton, T.S., The Industrial Revolution 1760–1830 (Oxford, 1948)Google Scholar; Schwartz, L.D., London in the Age of Industrialization: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700–1850 (Cambridge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁵ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 82, 79.

²⁶ Ellis, William, The London and Country Brewer, 5th edn (London, 1744), 180–1Google Scholar. The wort-pump performed the crucial role of extracting liquid wort from the mash ton into the copper, to be boiled with hops. Watkins, G., The Complete English Brewer, 2nd edn (London, 1770), 100Google Scholar.

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²⁹ ‘The High Mettled Racer’. By the late Charles Dibdin, 1831; ‘Blind, old, lean, and feeble, he tugs round a mill.’ Wood engraving by G.W. Bonner from a design by Robert Cruikshank. Yale Center for British Art, New Haven.

³⁰ ‘The horse wheel of a brewery’ (engraving, 1763) reproduced in Spiller, B., ‘The Georgian brewery’, Architectural Review, 122 (1957), 314Google Scholar. On the impressive strength of mill-horses, see Rev. Bingley, William, Animal Biography, or, Popular Zoology; Illustrated by Authentic Anecdotes of the Economy, Habits of Life, Instincts, and Sagacity, of the Animal Creation, 3 vols. (1803; 5th edn, London, 1820), vol. I, 131Google Scholar.

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³² Ibid., 82.

³³ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 81–2.

³⁴ J. Delafield, 6 Jun. 1787, cited in ibid., 93.

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³⁶ Spiller, ‘The Georgian brewery’, 321.

³⁷ Cited in Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 81.

³⁸ LMA/B/THB/B/10–12, Truman brewery rest books, 1803–12.

³⁹ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 22, 81. Barnett, London, Hub of the Industrial Revolution, 35–6, 49, 93.

⁴⁰ Boulton and Watt's drawings suggest that 10 London breweries were operating double acting steam engines by the end of 1799. Industrial Revolution: A Documentary History. Series 1: The Boulton and Watt Archive and the Matthew Boulton Papers from the Birmingham Central Library (Marlborough, 1992), Part 3: engineering drawings, Watt engines of the sun & planet type, c. 1775–1802. Farey, John, A Treatise on the Steam Engine, Historical, Practical, and Descriptive (London, 1827), 654Google Scholar, noted that 17 breweries were operating engines in 1805.

⁴¹ Deuchar, S., Paintings, Politics and Porter: Samuel Whitbread and British Art (Exhibition Catalogue, Museum of London, 1984)Google Scholar.

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⁴³ Ibid., 46–7; in particular Garrard's Mr Whitbread's Wharf (oil on copper, 1796) and The Building of Southill (oil on canvas, 1803), both private collection.

⁴⁴ Donald, Picturing Animals in Britain, 199–232. Images of working horses are also largely absent from Fox, C., The Arts of Industry in the Age of Enlightenment (New Haven and London, 2009)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁸ Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 79. A standard saddle horse might fetch £8 10s. In 1789, a hackney coachman valued his animals at £20 each. Old Bailey Sessions Papers (OBSP), t17290827–43 (27 Aug. 1729), OBSP, t17890114–49 (14 Jan. 1789).

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⁵⁹ Several historians have reasserted the importance of Britain's roads and equine haulage prior to the railways, arguing that greater volumes of goods were carried by horse-drawn vehicles than previously thought. By the mid-1600s, London was the national hub for wagon-carrying services; by the early 1800s, around a thousand waggons traversed the city every week. Gerhold, D., Road Transport before the Railways: Russell's London Flying Waggons (Cambridge, 1993), 1–3Google Scholar; Chartres, J., ‘Road carrying in England in the seventeenth century: myth and reality’, Economic History Review, 2 (1977), 73–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chartres, J. and Turnbull, G., ‘Road transport’, in Aldcroft, D.H. and Freeman, M.J. (eds.), Transport in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1983), 64–99Google Scholar; Barker, T. and Gerhold, D., The Rise and Rise of Road Transport, 1700–1990 (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar; Dyos, H.J. and Aldcroft, D.H., British Transport: An Economic Survey from the Seventeenth Century to Twentieth (Harmondsworth, 1974)Google Scholar; Chartres, J., ‘The eighteenth-century English inn: a transient “golden age”?’, in Kumin, B. and Tlusty, B. Ann (eds.), The World of the Tavern (Aldershot, 2002), 205Google Scholar.

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⁶² LMA/4453/B/12/002, Whitbread and Company Ltd, rest book, 1800.

⁶³ Barnett, London, Hub of the Industrial Revolution, 42.

⁶⁴ Simond, Louis, Journal of a Tour and Residence in Great Britain, during the Years 1810 and 1811, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1817), vol. I, 182–4Google Scholar.

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⁶⁹ Horses digest around half of this fodder effectively, and the ‘overall efficiency of food energy consumed to power applied is only around 10 per cent’. Warde, P., Energy Consumption in England and Wales 1560–2000 (Cambridge, 2000), 44Google Scholar; Collins, E.J.T., ‘Power availability and agricultural productivity in England and Wales, 1840–1939’, in van Bavel, B.J.P. and Thoen, E. (eds.), Land Productivity and Agro-systems in the North Sea Area (Turnhout, 1999), 216–17Google Scholar.

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⁷² Middleton, View of the Agriculture of Middlesex, 362 and 366.

⁷³ Youatt, The Horse, 354 and 356.

⁷⁴ LMA/ACC/2305/01/0176/4, ‘List of workers, 1791–97’, a note in Barclay Perkins rest book, 1797.

⁷⁵ Middleton, View of the Agriculture of Middlesex, 364–5.

⁷⁶ LMA/B/THB/B/14 and 15, Truman brewery rest books, 1814–18; Clark, James, farrier, Observations on the Shoeing of Horses, 2 vols., 3rd edn (London, 1782), vol. I, 62Google Scholar.

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⁷⁹ Simond, Journal of a Tour, vol. I, 182–4.

⁸⁰ LMA/ACC/2305/1/1300, Barclay Perkins stable book, 1827–39.

⁸¹ Spiller, ‘The Georgian brewery’, 321; Whitbread trade ledger, 1746–52, cited in Mathias, The Brewing Industry, 79.

⁸² LMA/ACC/2305/01/834, plan of Thrale's estate, 1774.

⁸³ Gordon, W.J., The Horse-World of London (1893; Gloucester, 2009), 51Google Scholar; a correspondent published in Middleton, View of the Agriculture of Middlesex, 367, assumed that ‘The average longevity’ of a horse in London, was ‘from sixteen to eighteen’ years as opposed to 20 to 25 for a horse in the country.

⁸⁴ LMA/B/THB/B/12 &25/A, Truman brewery rest books, 1809–13 and 1835–36.

⁸⁵ LMA/ACC/2305/1/1300, Barclay Perkins stable book, 1827–39.

⁸⁶ Gourvish and Wilson, The British Brewing Industry, 141 and 144. Only the larger brewers ran ‘country’ trades and these remained comparatively small. Moreover, the extra-London trade did not grow in the railway age and in some instances shrank.

⁸⁷ Photograph of Young's Brewery Yard (1896) reproduced in Osborn, H., Britain's Oldest Brewery: The Story behind Young's of Wandsworth (Guildford, 1999), 148Google Scholar.

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⁹⁵ Wrigley, A.E., Continuity, Chance and Change: The Character of the Industrial Revolution in England (Cambridge, 1988), 74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, acknowledges that ‘horses were an important source’ of energy in the textile, and other, manufacturing industries ‘until the last decades of the [eighteenth] century and beyond’.

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¹⁰⁰ Edgerton, The Shock of the Old.

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