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² Pravda editorial, July 16, 1956: “The International Forces of Peace, Democracy and Socialism Are Growing and Gaining in Strength,” reprinted in Zinner, Paul E., ed., National Communism and Popular Revolt in East Europe (New York: Columbia University Press 1956), 63Google Scholar.

³ “Declaration of the Conference of the Representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties of the Socialist Countries,” November 14–16, 1957, reprinted in Vaclav Benes, Robert F. Byrnes, and Nicolas Spulber, The Second Soviet-Yugoslav Dispute (Bloomington: Indiana University Publications, no date), 19.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ “Zaiavlenie soveshchaniia predstavitelei kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partii” [Declaration of the Conference of the Representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties], Pravda, December 6, 1960, p. 2. The same formula appears in the resolutioi: of the 1969 meeting, “Zadachi bor'by protiv imperializma …” [Tasks in the Struggle Against Imperialism …] in Mezhdunarodnoe soveshchame kommunisticheskikh i rabochikji partii: dokumenty i matenaly [International Meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties: Documents and Materials] (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury 1969), 327Google Scholar.

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⁹ Paul Marer, “Soviet Economic Relations with Eastern Europe and Their Impact on East-West and US-USSR Trade,” paper delivered January 16, 1975, Harvard University Russian Research Center.

¹⁰ Brezhnev, “Report to the Twenty-Fourth Congress” (fn. 6), 27; “Report to the Twenty-Fifth Congress” (fn. 7), 2.

¹¹ V. Sevruk, “Rosovyc slova i chernye dela” [Rosy Words and Black Deeds], lzvestiia, August 27, 1968, p. 3. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations in this article are by the author.

¹² For Soviet endorsement of Husak's recognition of Bonn as a contribution to détente, see Lapskii, V., “V interesakh sotrudnichestva” [In the Interests of Cooperation], lzvestiia, December 14, 1973, p. 4Google Scholar.

¹³ “Statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia …,” June 29, 1948, in Royal Institute of International Affairs: The Soviet-Yugoslav Dispute (London: Oxford University Press 1948), 73, 77Google Scholar.

¹⁴ “Extract from the Political Report made by Marshal Tito to the Third Congress of the People's Front,” April 9, 1949, in Royal Institute of International Affairs, Documents on International Affairs, 1949–50 (New York: Oxford University Press 1953), 449Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Djilas, Milovan, Lenin on Relations Between Socialist States (New York: Yugoslav Information Center 1949), 32Google Scholar.

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¹⁷ “Address by Wladyslaw Gomulka Before the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, October 20, 1956,” in Zinner (fn. 2), 228–29.

¹⁸ “Ethics and Morals in Hungarian Public Life,” in Nagy, Imre, On Communism (New York: Praeger 1957), 51Google Scholar.

¹⁹ “Declaration by the Government of the USSR …,” October 30, 1956, in Zinner (fn. 2), 486.

²⁰ “Statement by the Government of the People's Republic of China …,” November 1, 1956, ibid., 493.

²¹ In a statement issued June 14, 1963, the Central Committee of the CCP implied that the Soviets had tried several tactics to obtain control over the Chinese party. See Griffith, William E., The Sino-Soviet Rift (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press 1964), esp. pp. 280–81Google Scholar.

²² “The Origin and Development of the Differences Between the Leadership of the CPSU and Ourselves,” Red Flag and People's Daily, September 6, 1963, ibid., 407.

²³ “Khrushchev's Speech on Albania …,” October 27, 1961, in Griffith, William E., Albania and the Sino-Soviet Rift (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press 1963), 235Google Scholar.

²⁴ “Statement of the Stand of the Rumanian Workers' Party …,” April 1964, in Griffith, William E., Sino-Soviet Relations, 1064–65 (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1967), 292–93Google Scholar.

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²⁶ I have argued that the reason for the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia was to prevent a domestic faction from taking over the party. See “Autonomy and Intervention: The CPSU and the Struggle for the Czechoslovak Communist Party, 1968,” Orbis, XIX (Summer 1975)Google Scholar.

²⁷ “The Moscow Protocol,” in Remington, Robin A., ed., Winter in Prague (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press 1969), 379Google Scholar.

²⁸ Brzezinski (fn. 1), passim; see also Levesque (fn. 1).

²⁹ ‘Moravus,’ ‘Shawcross’ Dubcek' in Survey XVII (Autumn 1971)Google Scholar.

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³¹ Pelikan, Jiri, The Secret Vysocany Congress (London: Penguin Press 1971), 282Google Scholar.

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³³ Soviet discussions of relations among socialist states frequently cite Lenin's observation that a “correct understanding” of national interests will lead to the unity of nations. See the argument of F. T. Konstantinov and A. P. Sertsova in Akademia Nauk, SSSR, Institut filosofii and Vysshaia shkola Ts. K., K. P. Ch., Sovremcnnyi pravyi revizionizm [Modern Rightist Revisionism] (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo mysl' 1973, and Prague: Izdatel'stvo svoboda 1973), 396–97Google Scholar:

“The rightist revisionists generally attempt to put national interests in opposition to international interests while slipping to a position of bourgeois nationalism. The betrayal of internationalism is also inherent in Maoism. Nationalists consider patriotism and internationalism as mutually exclusive concepts. They try to speculate on the fact that patriotism and internationalism outwardly appear as forces which seem to go in different directions. … However, life shows that in a socialist society there is not only no antagonism between patriotism and socialist internationalism but, on the contrary, there is deep dialectical unity. Under the conditions of socialism, fundamental national interests, correctly understood, objectively combine with the international interests of the entire socialist commonwealth.”

³⁴ “Letter from J. B. Tito and E. Kardelj to J. V. Stalin and V. M. Molotov, April 13, 1948,” in Royal Institute (fn. 13), 19.

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⁴⁵ Fisher, Mary Ellen, “Ceausescu and the Rumanian Political Leadership,” Ph.D. diss. (Harvard 1974), 195–196Google Scholar.

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⁴⁹ Wesson, , “War and Communism,” Survey, XX (Winter 1974)Google Scholar.

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⁵² After the Hungarian rebellion broke out on October 23, 1956, Khrushchev authorized what had previously been anathema: an autonomous Communist government under Imre Nagy, the leader of the reformist faction of the party. Earlier in the year, the Soviets had refused to let Nagy back into power. Now Khrushchev hoped that the rebels would accept the Nagy government and spare the Soviet leader the necessity of suppressing the Hungarian rebellion with Soviet soldiers. By October 30, 1956, when the Soviets issued a formal declaration of their willingness to accept an autonomous Communist regime under Nagy, Nagy had concluded that his compatriots would not support any Communist government, even an autonomous one. He saw two choices before him: to align himself with the Soviets against the rebels, or to join the rebels. He chose the second course and formed a multiparty coalition government dominated by non-Communists. Before Nagy could prepare for armed defense of his new government or find diplomatic support from the West, the Soviet army crushed the rebels and installed a new group of Muscovites in control of the shattered fragments of the Communist party. Khrushchev did not ask his soldiers to fight against a unified Communist party supported by an armed nation; he asked them to fight a bitter but very brief campaign against uncoordinated and isolated groups of anti-Communists. The Soviet army did not attack the Hungarian Communists, it rescued them.