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² See the special issue, “Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance,” of the Journal of Peasant Studies 13 (January 1986); Scott, James, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Adas, Michael, “From Avoidance to Confrontation: Peasant Protest in Precolonial and Colonial Southeast Asia,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (April 1981), 217–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ McClintock, Cynthia, “Why Peasants Rebel: The Case of Peru's Sendero Luminoso,” World Politics 37 (October 1984), 48–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Palmer, David Scott, “Rebellion in Rural Peru,” Comparative Politics 18 (January 1986), 127–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Earlier peasant uprisings, millenarian movements, and rebellions have been analyzed in Sturtevant, David, Popular Uprisings in the Philippines, 1840–1940 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Uni versity Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Ileto, Reynaldo, Pasyon and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philip pines 1840–1910 (Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1979)Google Scholar; Kerkvliet, Benedict, The Huk Rebellion: A Case Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977)Google Scholar; and Lachica, Eduardo, Huk: Philippine Agrarian Society in Revolt (Manila: Solidaridad Publishing 1971)Google Scholar.

⁵ Manila Chronicle, December 30, 1987, p. 2.

⁶ National Democratic Front brochure (n.p., n.d., [1986?]).

⁷ “Brief Review of the History of the Communist Party of the Philippines on the Occasion of the 20th Anniversary of Its Reestablishment,” Ang Bayan 20 (December 1988), 11.

⁸ Scott (fn. 1), 194. McClintock's study of the Sendero Luminoso (fn. 3) is an example of a test of Scott's theory of peasant rebellion when applied to a contemporary revolution.

⁹ Scott, James, “The Erosion of Patron-Client Bonds and Social Change in Rural Southeast Asia,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32 (November 1972), 5–37Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Scott (fn. 1), 201–2.

¹¹ Steward, Julian et al. , The People of Puerto Rico: A Study in Social Anthropology (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1956)Google Scholar; Wolf, Eric and Mintz, Sidney, “Haciendas and Plantations in Middle America and the Antilles,” Social and Economic Studies 6 (September 1957), 380–412Google Scholar; Stinchcombe, Arthur, “Agricultural Enterprise and Rural Class Relations,” American Journal of Sociology 67 (September 1961), 165–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Paige (fn. 1), 24.

¹³ Ibid., 40–43.

¹⁴ Ibid., 62.

¹⁵ Ibid., 63.

¹⁶ Ibid., 58.

¹⁷ Popkin (fn. 1), chaps. 1 and 2.

¹⁸ Race, Jeffrey, “Toward an Exchange Theory of Revolution,” in Lewis, John Wilson, ed., Peasant Rebellion and Communist Revolution in Asia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 169–204Google Scholar, at 171.

¹⁹ Ibid., 174.

²⁰ Ibid., 174.

²¹ Popkin (fn. 1), 259.

²² Popkin, Samuel, “Political Entrepreneurs and Peasant Movements,” in Taylor, Michael, ed., Rationality and Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 9–62Google Scholar, at 13.

²³ Scott, James, “History According to Winners and Losers,” in Turton, Andrew and Tanabe, Shigeharu, eds., Senri Ethnological Studies No. ly History and Peasant Consciousness in South East Asia (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1984), 161–210Google Scholar.

²⁴ Brian Fegan reports, “At the end of the 1960s, few rural towns hardly had national government employees apart from school teachers and the postmaster. Today a municipality of 60,000 usually has offices for the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, the Ministry of Local Government and Community Development, the Ministry of Human Settlements, National Grains Authority, National Irrigation Authority, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Rural Industry Under Martial Law” (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, Third World Studies Center, Philippine Commodity Paper, Series No. 4, 1982), 13.

²⁵ Scott (fn. 1), 195.

²⁶ This argument is based in large part on the detailed empirical evidence presented in papers from a conference on “Processes of Agrarian Change in Southeast Asia,” sponsored by the Social Science Research Council at the East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii, December 14–20,1983; published as Hart, Gillian et al. , eds., Agrarian Transformations: Local Processes and the State in Southeast Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Paige (fn. 1), 18–23, passim.

²⁸ Philippine Yearbook 1987 (Manila: Republic of the Philippines, National Statistics Office), 325.

²⁹ In a personal interview in July 1988, Jaime Tadeo, Chairman of the K.MP (Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, or Philippine Peasant Alliance) stated that the Alliance's members had occupied a total of nearly 70,000 hectares through land invasions, and that nearly 50,000 hectares had been made productive.

³⁰ Gonzales-Custodio, Clarissa S., “Socio-economic Profile of Landless Agricultural Laborers,” in Proceedings: Workshop on Landless Rural Workers (Los Banos, Philippines: Philippine Council for Agricultural and Resources Research, 1980), 7–36Google Scholar, at 8.

³¹ Quoted in Edward P. Reed, “Agrarian Reform and Rural Reconstruction: A Seminar Report” (Silang, Cavite, Philippines: International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, 1980), 20.

³² Kikuchi, , “Recent Changes in a Laguna Rice Village: A New Generation of Change?” in Ledesma, Antonio J., S. J., et al. , eds., Second View from the Paddy (Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University, Institute of Philippine Culture, 1983), 59–72Google Scholar, at 60, Table 1.

³³ Such statements were repeatedly made by Philippine government officials in interviews I conducted during 1980 in the course of research on plantation agriculture.

³⁴ Central Bank of the Philippines, Annual Report, Statistical Bulletin, 1979 (Table V.10) and 1984 (Table 6.10).

³⁵ For greater detail, see Hawes, Gary, The Philippine State and the Marcos Regime: The Politics of Export (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Cadeliña, , “Poverty in the Upland: Lowland Migrant Swiddeners in the Balinsaysayao Forest, Negros Oriental,” in Abad, Ricardo et al. , eds., Faces of Philippine Poverty: Four Cases from the Visayas (Quezon City: Philippine Social Science Council, 1986), 165–86Google Scholar, at 174.

³⁷ Guerrero, Amado, Specific Characteristics of People's War in the Philippines (Oakland, CA: International Association of Filipino Patriots, 1979), 9Google Scholar.

³⁸ Ibid., 12.

³⁹ A barrio is the nation's smallest administrative unit. It is roughly equivalent to a village, but ranges in form from a cluster of rural households surrounded by agricultural land to a small political unit in a larger urban area.

The figures are from an Armed Forces of the Philippines document which was classified secret, but was widely distributed in Manila by mid-1987. The estimates are likely to be on the low side. Every city and town in the country was listed, along with the corresponding barrios believed to be “influenced, infiltrated, or threatened.” When asked to compare the government's list with the actual situation in one province, activists there pronounced the list to be the result of extremely poor intelligence.

⁴⁰ Dante, “Rethinking Philippine Society and Revolution,” Ang Katipunan, January-February, 1988, p. 7 (reprinted from Diliman Review, Vol. 35, No. 3, 1987).

⁴¹ For example, participants at a four-day leadership training course for the leaders of village youth organizations in one of the southern Luzon provinces were all out-of-school youths who were learning organizational and public-speaking skills. The teachers were NDF cadres, one a high school graduate from a middle peasant family, the other a college graduate who grew up in the city and whose family was a member of the bourgeoisie.

⁴² What follows is based on in-depth interviews I conducted with farmers and NDF cadres during March 1987. The Bikol region is composed of the provinces of Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Albay, Sorsogon, and Catanduanes, all in the southernmost portion of Luzon Island.

⁴³ Interviews conducted in the province of Negros Occidental during September 1980, and followed up in 1987.

⁴⁴ Skocpol, , “What Makes Peasants Revolutionary?” Comparative Politics 14 (April 1982), 351–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 364 and 373.

⁴⁵ Kahin, , Intervention: How America Became Involved in Vietnam (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1987), 28Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Stoler, Ann Laura, “Working the Revolution: Plantation Laborers and the People's Militia in North Sumatra,” Journal of Asian Studies 47 (May 1988), 227–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁷ Interview conducted in the province of Misamis Occidental, 1980.

⁴⁸ Dante (fn. 40), 14.

⁴⁹ Public talk by Colonel Templo, Faculty Center, University of the Philippines, Diliman, March 9, 1987.

⁵⁰ This statement may appear to be an unsubstantiated, antimilitary allegation; yet credible military and police connections have been established by witnesses or by the National Bureau of Investigation in recent cases, such as the assassination of labor leader and chairman of the Partido ng Bayan, Rolando Olalia; the two ambushes of the president of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Nemesio Prudente; and the assassination of the human rights lawyer from Cebu City, Alfonso Surigao.

⁵¹ Amnesty International, Philippines: Unlawful Killings by Military and Paramilitary Forces (New York: Amnesty International USA, 1988), 3Google Scholar.

⁵² Kerkvliet (fn. 4).

⁵³ Khanh, Huynh Kim, Vietnamese Communism 1925–1945 (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 1982), 263Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Keyes, , “Economic Action and Buddhist Morality in a Thai Village,” Journal of Asian Studies 42 (August 1983), 865CrossRefGoogle Scholar.