1 While the German question in CEE has been largely ignored in the International Relations literature, it has received increasingly intense attention by historians; many of these works are cited below.

2 For example, Miller, Benjamin, ‘Explaining Variations in Regional Peace: Three Strategies for Peacemaking’, Cooperation and Conflict, 35:2 (2000), pp. 155–192CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Miller, Benjamin, ‘When and How Regions Become Peaceful: Potential Theoretical Pathways to Peace’, International Studies Review, 7:2 (2005), pp. 229–267CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Ripsman, Norrin, ‘Two Stages of Transition from a Region of War to a Region of Peace: Realist Transition and Liberal Endurance’, International Studies Quarterly, 49:4 (2005), pp. 669–694CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

3 On the reasons why, and the ways in which, Realism and Constructivism can be made complementary in International Relations theory, see Barkin, J. Samuel, ‘Realist Constructivism’, International Studies Review, 5:3 (2003), 325–342CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus, ‘Bridging the Gap: Towards a Realist-Constructivist Dialogue’, International Studies Review, 6:2 (2004), pp. 337–341Google Scholar ; Sterling-Folker, Jennifer, ‘Realism and the Constructivist Challenge: Rejecting, Reconstructing, or Rereading’, International Studies Review, 4 (2002), pp. 73–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar . On the ways Constructivism and Liberalism overlap, see Panke, Dinna and Risse, Thomas, ‘Liberalism’ in Dunne, Tim, Kurki, Milja and Smith, Steve (eds), International Relations Theories (Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 89–109Google Scholar .

4 Checkel, Jeffrey, ‘Process Tracing’ in Klotz, Audie & Prakash, Deepa (eds), Qualitative Methods in International Relations (New York: Palgrave, 2008), pp. 114–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Ripsman, ‘Two Stages of Transition’.

6 Azar, Edward, Jureidini, Paul and McLaurin, Ronald, ‘Protracted Social Conflict: Theory and Practice in the Middle East’, Journal of Palestine Studies, 8:1 (1978), pp. 41–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

7 Sandler, Shmuel and Ben-Yehuda, Hemda, The Arab-Israeli Conflict Transformed (New York: SUNY, 2002).Google Scholar

8 Holsti, Kal, War, the State & the State of War (Cambridge: Cambidge University Press, 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 This section draws on Ripsman's theoretical framework while augmenting it with the Realist theory of ethnic conflict and ‘inside-out’ Constructivism.

10 Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley, 1979).Google Scholar

11 Walt, Stephen, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

12 Gilpin, Robert, War & Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Kaufmann, Chaim, ‘Possible & Impossible Solutions to Ethnic Civil Wars’, International Security, 20:4 (1996), pp. 136–175CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Kaufmann, Chaim, ‘When All Else Fails: Ethnic Population Transfers & Partitions in the Twentieth Century’, International Security, 23:2 (1998), pp. 120–156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 Downes, Alexander, ‘The Holy Land Divided: Defending Partition as a Solution to Ethnic Wars’, Security Studies, 10:4 (2001), pp. 70–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 The ‘weak’ Constructivist theory of ethnic conflict adopts an identical prescription of separation when ethnic identities and conflict-inducing narratives have been hardened by the recent experience of bloody conflict; see Kaufman, Stuart, ‘Symbolic Politics or Rational Choice? Testing Theories of Extreme Ethnic Violence’, International Security, 30:4 (2006), pp. 82CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Kaufmann, Chaim, ‘Rational Choice and Progress in the Study of Ethnic Conflict: A Review Essay’, Security Studies, 14:1 (2004-05), pp. 178–207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16 Indeed, according to Miller the degree of mismatch between nations and states is the main determinant of how war-prone a region is: the greater the mismatch, the more war-prone a region, Miller, ‘When and How Regions Become Peaceful’.

17 Keohane, Robert, After Hegemony (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar ; Keohane, Robert and Martin, Lisa, ‘The Promise of Institutionalist Theory’, International Security, 20:1 (1995), pp. 39–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Koehane, Robert, ‘International Liberalism Reconsidered’, in Dunn, John (ed.), The Economic Limits to Modern Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 186–187Google Scholar ; Doyle, Michael, Ways of War and Peace (New York: Norton, 1997), pp. 230–250.Google Scholar

19 Wendt, Alexander, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20 Wæver, Ole, ‘Insecurity, Security, and Asecurity in the West European Non-war Community’, in Barnett, Michael and Adler, Emanuel (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).Google Scholar

21 For example, Robert Herman, ‘Identity, Norms and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy Revolution and the End of the Cold War’, in Katzenstein, The Culture of National Security, pp. 271–316; Thomas Berger, ‘Norms, Identity and National Security in Germany and Japan’, in Katzenstein, The Culture of National Security, pp. 317–56.

22 Zürn, Michael and Checkel, Jeffrey, ‘Getting Socialized to Build Bridges: Constructivism & Rationalism, Europe & the Nation-State’, International Organization, 59:4 (2005), pp. 1045–1079.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Checkel, ‘Process Tracing’.

24 Mearsheimer, John, ‘Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War’, International Security, 15:1 (1990), pp. 5–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Waltz, Kenneth, ‘The Emerging Structure of International Politics’, International Security, 18:2 (1993), pp. 44–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 ‘Prime Minister on the Issues’, The Times (28 September 1938), p. 10.

26 Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1992), ch. 6.Google Scholar

27 Kruger, Peter, ‘The European East and Weimar Germany’, in Muhle, Eduard (ed.), Germany and the European East in the Twentieth Century (New York: Berg, 2000), pp. 7–25.Google Scholar

28 Wolf, Stefan, The German Question since 1919 (Westport: Praeger, 2003), pp. 27–37Google Scholar ; Lemberg, Hans, ‘The Germans & Czech Statehood in the Twentieth Century’, in Bartlett, Roger and Schonwalder, Karen (eds), The German Lands & Eastern Europe (London: Palgrave), pp. 186–189.Google Scholar

29 Wolf, The German Question since 1919, p. 46.

30 Ibid.; Piotrowski, Tadeusz, Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces & Genocide in the Second World War (Jefferson: McFarland, 1998), pp. 23, 170, 222, 301.Google Scholar

31 Ther, Phillip, ‘A Century of Forced Migration’, in Ther, Philipp and Siljak, Ana (eds), Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944–1948 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), pp. 52–56Google Scholar ; Lemberg, ‘The Germans and Czech Statehood’, p. 191; Keith Sword, ‘The German Minority in Poland 1945–95’, in Bartlett and Schonwalder, The German Lands and Eastern Europe, p. 240.

32 Brandes, Detlef, Der Weg zur Vertreibung 1938–1945. Plane und Entscheidungen zum ‘Transfer’ der Deutschen aus der Tschechoslowakei und aus Polen (Munich: Oldenbourg 2001)Google Scholar ; Brandes, Detlef‘Die Vertreibung als negativer Lernproze Vorbilder und Ursachen der Vertreibung der Deutschen’, Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft, 53:10 (2005), pp. 885–896.Google Scholar

33 Reichling, Gerhard, Die deutschen Vertriebenen in Zahlen. Teil I (Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen, 1986), pp. 28–32.Google Scholar

34 Mazover, Mark, Dark continent (New York: Knopf, 1999), pp. 214–221.Google Scholar

35 Mark Kramer, ‘Introduction’, in Ther & Siljak, Redrawing Nations, p. 7.

36 Potsdam Protocol, Article XIII, 87. Today, the expulsions would be viewed as a war crime.

37 Reichling, Die deutschen Vertriebenen in Zahlen. Teil I, pp. 34–6; Overmans, Rudiger, ‘Amtlich und wissenschaftlich erarbeitet’ – Zur Diskussion uber die Verluste wahrend Flucht und Vertreibung der Deutschen aus der CSR, Erzwungene Trennung', in Brandes, Detlef, Ivanickova, Edita and Pesek, Jiri (eds), Herausgegeben far die Deutsch-Tschechische und Deutsch-Slowakische Historikerkommission (Essen: Klartext, 1999), pp. 149–177.Google Scholar

38 Levy, Daniel and Sznaider, Natan, ‘Memories of Universal Victimhood: the Case of Ethnic German Expellees’, German Politics and Society, 23:2 (2005), pp. 1–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39 Ahonen, Pertti, After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe 1945–1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 Conradt, David, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, in Almond, Gabriel and Verba, Sidney (eds), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1980), pp. 227–228.Google Scholar

41 Levy and Sznaider, ‘Memories of Universal Victimhood’.

42 Rainer Schultze, ‘The Struggle of Past and Present in Individual Identities: The Case of German Refugees & Expellees from the East’, in Rock and Wolff, Coming Home to Germany.

43 Ahonen, After the Expulsion, pp. 11–2.

44 Ibid., pp. 55, 56, 59, 134; Hans-Peter, Schwarz, Adenauer: Der Aufstieg, 1876–1952 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1986), pp. 892–894, 946.Google Scholar

45 Schwarz, Hans-Peter, Adenauer: der Staatsmann 1952–1967 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1991), p. 687Google Scholar ; Gassert, Philipp, Kurt Georg Kiesinger 1904–1988 (Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2004), pp. 445, 555–556.Google Scholar

46 Phillip Ther, ‘Expellee Policy in the Soviet-occupied Zone and the GDR, 1945–53’, in Rock and Wolff, Coming Home to Germany, pp. 56–76.

47 Schechtman, Joseph, Postwar Populations Transfers in Europe 1945–55 (Philadelphia PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962), pp. 374–394CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Kramer, ‘Introduction’, in Ther & Siljak, Redrawing Nations, p. 2, fn. 6, p. 7.

48 Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, (1 March 1945), vol. 408, col. 1617.

49 Kramer, ‘Introduction’, p. 8; Mazover, Dark Continent, pp. 214–21.

50 Ther, ‘Expellee Policy in the Soviet-occupied Zone’, p. 57; Nagengast, Emil, ‘The German Expellees and European Values’, in Vardy, Steven and Tooley, Hunt (eds), Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. 289–302Google Scholar ; Schraut, Sylvia, ‘Make the Germans do it: The Refugee Problem in the American zone of Post-war Europe’, Journal of Communist Studies & Transition Politics, 16:2 (2000), pp. 115–124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51 Ahonen, After the Expulsion, pp. 77–8; 96, 135.

52 Wolf, ‘The Politics of Homeland’, p. 110.

53 On Ostpolitik see Bender, Peter, Die Neue Ostpolitik und ihre Folgen (Münich: DtV, 1995, 3rd edition)Google Scholar ; Löwenthal, Richard, Vom kalten Krieg zur Ostpolitik (Stuttgart: Seewald Verlag, 1974).Google Scholar

54 On CDU opposition to Ostpolitik 1969–1972 see Clemens, Clay, Reluctant Realists: The CDU/DSU and West German Ostpolitik (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1989), chapters 2 and 3Google Scholar .

55 Schwarz, Adenauer: der Staatsmann 1952–1967, pp. 636, 704; Hofmann, Arne, ‘Small steps towards new frontiers? Ideas, concepts and the emergence of a détente strategy in the thinking of Willy Brandt and John F. Kennedy’, Historical Research, 79:205 (2006), pp. 440, 444.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56 Gassert, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, pp. 561, 674.

57 Garton-Ash, Timothy, In Europe's Name: Germany and the Divided Continent (New York: Vintage, 1994), pp. 51–57.Google Scholar

58 The doctrine held that the FRG would not maintain diplomatic relations with any state that had diplomatic relations with the GDR. On the Hallstein doctrine see Gray, William Glen, Germany's Cold War: The Global Campaign to Isolate East Germany, 1949–1969 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Google Scholar

59 Kosthorst, Daniel, Brentano und die deutsche Einheit: Die Deutschland- und Ostpolitik des Aussenministers im Kabinett Adenauer 1955–1961 (Dusseldorf: Droste, 1993), pp. 354–359.Google Scholar

60 Gassert, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, pp. 554, 588, 592.

61 Hofmann, Arne, The Emergence of Detente in Europe: Brandt, Kennedy and the Formation of Ostpolitik (London: Routledge, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Bender, Die Neue Ostpolitik, pp. 119–121.

62 Clemens, Reluctant Realists, p. 88.

63 For an argument to this effect, see Siebenmorgen, Peter, Gezeitenwechsel: Aufbruch zur Entspannungspolitik (Bonn: Bouvier, 1990).Google Scholar

64 Schwarz, Adenauer: der Staatsmann 1952–1967, pp. 370–9, 686–7.

65 Ahonen, After the Expulsion, pp. 129, 207–8, 219.

66 Lepsius, Rainer, ‘Sozialstruktur und soziale Schichtung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland’, in Lowenthal, Richard and Schwarz, Hans-Peter (eds), Die zweite Republik. 25 Jahre Bundesrepublik Deutschland- eine Bilanz (Stuttgart: Busse-Seewald, 1974), pp. 263–288.Google Scholar

67 Phillips, ‘The Politics of Reconciliation’, p. 71.

68 Granieri, Ronald, The Ambivalent Alliance: Konrad Adenauer, the CDU/CSU and the West, 1949–1966 (Berghahn, 2003), pp. 15–16Google Scholar ; Adenauer, , Erinnerungen, 1945–1953 (Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1965), p. 97.Google Scholar

69 Merseburger, Peter, Willy Brandt (Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2002), p. 582Google Scholar ; Brandt, Willy, My Life in Politics (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1992), pp. 164, 173.Google Scholar

70 Banchoff, The German Problem Transformed, pp. 67, 173–4, 332–7; Duffield, John, World Power Forsaken: Political Culture, International Institutions and German Security Policy after Unification (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar ; Bauman, Rainer, ‘German Security Policy with NATO’, in Rittberger, Volker (ed.), German Foreign Policy since Unification: Theories and Case Studies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), pp. 141–184Google Scholar ; Wolfgang Wagner, ‘German EU constitutional Foreign Policy’, in Rittberger, German Foreign Policy since Unification, pp. 185–229; Price, Adrian Hyde, Germany and the European Order: Enlarging NATO and the EU (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001)Google Scholar ; Bulmer, Simon, Charlie Jeffery & William Paterson, Germany's European Diplomacy: Shaping the Regional Milieu (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), p. 126.Google Scholar

71 Duffield, World Power Forsaken, pp. 63, 65.

72 Hyde Price, Germany & the European Order, p. 138; Granieri, The Ambivalent Alliance, p. 9.

73 Hyde Price, Ibid., pp. 140, 170–4.

74 Duffield, World Power Forsaken, p. 63.

75 Checkel, Jeffrey, ‘Norms, Institutions and National Identity in Contemporary Europe’, International Studies Quarterly, 43:1 (1999), pp. 84–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Harnish, Sebastian and Maull, Hanss (eds), Germany as a Civilian Power? The Foreign Policy of the Berlin Republic (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

77 Kolinsky, Eva, ‘ Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in Germany’, in Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc (eds), Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy Revisited (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), pp. 54–56.Google Scholar

78 Berger, ‘Norms, Identity and National Security’, p. 339.

79 Kolinsky, ‘Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in Germany’, pp. 39–40.

80 Conradt, The German Polity, p. 52.

81 Conradt, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, pp. 233, 264.

82 Girling, John, Myths and Politics in Western Societies (London, Transaction, 1993), ch. 3Google Scholar .

83 Eckstein, Harry, ‘A Culturalist Theory of Political Change’, American Political Science Review, 82:3 (1988), pp. 789–804.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

84 Jacoby, Wade, Imitation and Politics: Redesigning Modern Germany (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), ch. 3–4Google Scholar ; Pronay, Nicholas and Wilson, Keith (eds), The Political Re-education of Germany and Her Allies after World War II (London: Croom Helm, 1985).Google Scholar

85 Kolinsky, ‘Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in Germany’, pp. 39–40.

86 Berger, ‘Norms, Identity and National Security’, pp. 319–20.

87 Conradt, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, pp. 233, 264.

88 Ibid.; Levy, ‘The Politicization of Ethnic German Immigrant’; Sussner, ‘Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat?’

89 Inglehart, Ronald, Modernization and Postmodernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

90 Sussner, ‘Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat?’

91 Faulenbach, , ‘Die Vertreibung der Deutschen’; Lehmann, Albrecht, Im Fremden ungewollt zuhaus. Fluchtlinge und Vertriebene in Westdeutschland 1945–1990 (Munich: Beck, 1993), p. 83.Google Scholar

92 Bender, Die Neue Ostpolitik, p. 168; Merseburger, Willy Brandt, p. 440.

93 Television address from Moscow (12 August 1970), cited in ‘Willy Brandt’, Time (4 January 1971), {http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/personoftheyear/archive/stories/1970.html}, accessed 20 March 2007.

94 Gray, William Glenn, ‘West Germany and the Lost German East: Two Narratives’, in Ingrao, Charles and Szabo, Franz (eds), The Germans and the East (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2008), pp. 409–410Google Scholar ; Bender, Die Neue Ostpolitik, p. 121.

95 Ahonen, After the Expulsion, p. 267.

96 Conradt, ‘Changing German Political Culture’, pp. 227–8. Recognition of this public support was one reason why the CDU leader Barzal acquiesced in the ratification of the Eastern Treaties, Clemens, Reluctant Realists, p. 92.

97 Ibid. The younger generation within the FDP and the CDU were also more inclined to support Brandt's Ostpolitik than older counterparts, Ahonen, After the Expulsion, pp. 230, 251.

98 Ahonen, Ibid., pp, 77–8, 94, 148–53; Gray, ‘West Germany & the Lost German East’, pp. 404–5.

99 Langenbacher, Eric, ‘Moralpolitik versus Moralpolitik: Recent Struggles over the Construction of Cultural Memory in Germany’, German Politics & Society, 23:3 (2005), pp. 106–135.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100 Jedlicki, Jerzy, ‘Historical Memory as a Source of Conflicts in Eastern Europe’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 32 (September 1999), pp. 225–232.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

101 Burcher, Timothy, The Sudeten German Question and Czechoslovak-German Relations since 1989 (London: Royal United Service Institute, 2004), p. 17Google Scholar ; ‘Allensbach-Umfrage: Polen und Tschechen fürchten deutsche Gebietsansprüche’, Spiegel Online (5 November 2005), {www.spiegel.de/spiegel/vorab/0,1518,383359,00.html}, accessed 18 January 2007.

102 On German policy towards expanding European institutions to include the states of CEE in the 1990s see Bulmer, Jeffery and Paterson, Germany's European Diplomacy, pp. 104–26.

103 Feldman, Lily Gardner, ‘The Principle and Practice of Reconciliation on German Foreign Policy’, International Affairs, 75:9 (1999), pp. 333–356.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

104 Phillips, Ann, Power and Influence after the Cold War: Germany in East-Central Europe (Lanham MD: Rowan and Littlefield, 2000), pp. 6–13.Google Scholar

105 Phillips, Ann, ‘The Politics of Reconciliation: Germany in Central-East Europe’, German Politics, 7:2 (1998), p. 75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

106 Sussner, Henning, ‘Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat? Ethnic German Expellees and the Politics of Belonging’, German Politics and Society, 22:2 (2004).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

107 Wolf, ‘The Politics of Homeland’, pp. 120–1; Nagengast, ‘The German Expellees and European Values’, p. 298.

108 On the size of ethnic German minorities see {www.ethnologue.com}.

109 Mearsheimer, ‘Back to the Future’; Waltz, ‘The Emerging Structure of International Politics’.

110 Thompson, Wayne, ‘Germany and the East’, Europe-Asia Studies, 56:3 (2001), pp. 929–933.Google Scholar

111 Banchoff, The German Problem Transformed, p. 133.

112 Banchoff, Thomas, ‘German Identity and European Integration’, European Journal of International Relations, 5:3 (1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

113 See, for example, Schwarz, Hans-Peter, Die Zentralmacht Europas: Deutschlands Rückkehr auf die Weltbühne (Berlin: Siedler, 1994).Google Scholar

114 Hyde Price, Germany and the European Order, p. 220.

115 Hass et al., ‘Germany and the Norms of European Governance’, p. 157.

116 Levy, ‘The Politicization of Ethnic German Immigrants’, p. 294.

117 Haas et al., ‘Germany and the Norms of European Governance’, pp. 166–7.

118 Levy and Sznaider, ‘Memories of Universal Victimhood’; Langenbacher, ‘Moralpolitik versus Moralpolitik’.

119 Gunter Hofmann and Bernd Ulrich, ‘What have we done to ourselves?’, Die Zeit (28 August 2003), {http://www.germany.info/relaunch/politics/speeches/082803.htm}, accessed 20 March 2007.

120 Levy and Sznaider, ‘Memories of Universal Victimhood’.

121 Langenbacher, ‘Moralpolitik versus Moralpolitik’.

122 Ibid.

123 Adler, Emanuel, ‘Seeds of Peaceful Change: OSCE's Security Community Model’, in Adler, Emanuel and Barnett, Michael (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 126–128.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

124 Davey, Richard (ed.), European Détente (London: Sage RIIA, 1992), p. 251.Google Scholar

125 Zaborowski, Marcin, Germany, Poland and Europe: Conflict, Cooperation and Europeanization (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), pp. 70, 76.Google Scholar

126 Adler, Emanuel, Communitarian International Relations (London: Routledge, 2005), pp. 200–203.Google Scholar

127 Adler, Emanuel, ‘The Spread of Security Communities: Communities of Practice, Self-restraint, and NATO's Post Cold War Transformation’, European Journal of International Relations, 14:2 (2008), pp. 195–230CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Gheciu, Alexandra, ‘Security Institutions as Agents of Socialization? NATO and the “New Europe”’, International Organization, 59:4 (2005), pp. 973–1012CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Schimmelfennig, Frank, Engert, Stefan, Knobel, Heiko (eds), International Socialization in Europe: European Organizations, Political Conditionality & Democratic Change (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

128 Zaborowski, Germany, Poland and Europe, pp. 117, 121.

129 Hyde Price, Germany and the European Order, pp. 139, 143, 156, 160, 181, 183, 212; Davis, Patricia and Dombrowski, Peter, ‘Appetite of the Wolf: German Foreign Assistance for Central and Eastern Europe’, German Politics, 6:1 (1997), pp. 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Duffield, World Power Forsaken, pp. 92, 97–8, 105.

130 Duffield, World Power Forsaken, pp. 93–105.

131 Phillips, ‘The Politics of Reconciliation’, p. 75.

132 Wlodek, Aniot et al. , ‘Returning to Europe: Central Europe between Internationalization and Institutionalization’, in Katzenstein, Peter (ed.), Tamed Power: Germany in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 195–250.Google Scholar

133 Duffield, World Power Forsaken, pp. 93–117; Wolf, ‘The Politics of Homeland’, p. 124; Zaborowski, Germany, Poland and Europe, pp. 95, 107.

134 Thompson, ‘Germany and the East’, pp. 929–33; Hyde Price, Germany and the European Order, pp. 183, 212.

135 Sybille Quack, ‘Divided History – Common Memory? A Question of the Culture of Memory in the EU’ Lecture, EU Studies Center, CUNY, New York, (28 February 2007), {http://web.gc.cuny.edu/Eusc/activities/paper/Quack07.htm}.

136 ‘Joint declaration in Danzig by Federal President Johannes Rau & President of the Republic of Poland Aleksander Kwasniewski, October 29, 2002’, German Embassy, Washington DC website, {www.germany.info/relaunch/politics/speeches/1029a03.html}, accessed 20 March 2007.

137 On these issues see Quack, , ‘Divided History – Common Memory?’; Troebst, Stefan (ed.), Vertreibungsdiskurs und europäische Erinnerungskultur. Deutsch-polnische Initiativen zur Institutionalisierung. Eine Dokumentation (Osnabrück: fibre Verlag, 2006).Google Scholar

138 Thompson, ‘Germany and the East’, pp. 929–33.

139 Mansfield, Edward and Snyder, Jack, Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War (Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2005)Google Scholar . On the populist nature of democracy in CEE, see the special issue of Journal of Democracy, 18:4 (2007).

140 Op. cit. fn. 2.

141 Similarly, it has been argued that state security and the absence of conflict provide an important precondition for the establishment and maintenance of democracy, see Thompson, William, ‘Democracy and Peace: Putting the Cart before the Horse?’, International Organization, 50:1 (1996), pp. 141–174CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Midlarsky, Manus, ‘The Impact of External Threat on States and Domestic Societies’, International Studies Review, 5, 4 (2003), pp. 13–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In a related vein, Miller argues that the greater the balance between the nation and the state, the greater the chances of democracy emerging, see Miller, Benjamin, States, Nations and the Great Powers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

142 See also Rynhold, Jonathan, ‘Cultural Shift and Foreign Policy Change: Israel and the Making of the Oslo Accords’, Cooperation & Conflict, 42:4, (2007), pp. 419–440.CrossRefGoogle Scholar