30 results in The Cambridge Dictionary of Christian Theology
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Summary
Faith Along with hope and love, faith has been understood in the Christian tradition (following 1 Cor. 13:13) as a theological virtue: a settled disposition enabling one to move towards God by grace. As the young Augustine observes, without faith one would not believe there was anything to hope for; without hope one would despair of attaining the realities of which faith speaks; and without love one would not even desire to come to that goodness in which one had come to believe (Sol. 6.12). It is in this sense that the tradition has generally interpreted the most famous biblical statement about faith – as making present even now something of the reality to which one is journeying: ‘Now faith is the assurance of things hoped for, the conviction of things not seen’ (Heb. 11:1).
Faith in the theological sense is thus only possible as a gift of God, for one cannot by oneself have natural certain knowledge or even right opinion of the divine realities which the teachings of faith seek to express. Classically, therefore, faith is considered according to two fundamental dimensions: it refers both to the beliefs or doctrines to which one assents (fides quae creditur), and also to the act of trust or adherence by means of which these beliefs are accepted as true (fides qua creditor, or, especially in the work of M. Luther, fiducia).
Frontmatter
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Summary
Taizé Community of The Community of Taizé is an ecumenical monastic community located in southern Burgundy between the historic centres of western monasticism: Cluny and Citeaux. It was founded in 1940 by Brother Roger (1915–2005). Deeply concerned with the division of Christians that he saw as a cause of tension and war in society, Brother Roger left the security of his native Switzerland (where he was a Reformed pastor) and settled, on his own, in the small village of Taizé. There he prayed three times a day and hid Jews fleeing Nazi-occupied France, bringing them safely to Switzerland. Forced to leave when the Gestapo invaded his house, he returned to Geneva where three other men joined him. The little community returned to Taizé in 1944 and quickly grew, attracting men from various Protestant denominations from throughout Europe. After Vatican Council II it was also possible for Catholics to join the Community. Today, the Community of Taizé is constituted of brothers from all mainline denominations and from all continents.
Early on, the Community developed a musically rich liturgy with the help of Father J. Gelineau, S. J. (1920–2008). Drawn by the beautiful liturgy and the novelty of a Protestant monastic community, the number of visitors steadily grew. The twelfth-century village church was soon too small and a larger church was built on the hill of Taizé – the Church of Reconciliation, which can hold up to 8,000 worshippers.
References
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Oblation Derived from a Latin word for ‘offering’, ‘oblation’ has several meanings. In Catholic canon law it is used for anything given over to the use of the Church. In the more narrowly liturgical context of the mass, oblation refers to the Eucharistic elements of bread and wine, whether as brought in unconsecrated form to the altar during the offertory (the lesser oblation) or in their presentation after consecration (the greater oblation). Protestants generally restrict the use of oblation to the offertory, on the grounds that to designate the consecrated elements (in distinction from the unconsecrated bread and wine, as well as the monetary and other gifts brought forward in furtherance of the Church's ministry) as an oblation implies that in the celebration of the Eucharist the Church offers something to God rather than thankfully receiving what God offers it.
In the monastic context oblation refers to the medieval practice of dedicating children to religious life (cf. 1 Sam. 1:11, 22–8) by trusting them to the care of a monastery. Such children (known as oblates) were raised in the community until they were judged sufficiently mature to decide whether they wished to commit their lives to it by taking monastic vows. The reasons for dedicating children were varied, and often desperation (among the poor) and convenience or political calculation (among the rich) trumped religious motives.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Laity The Greek word laikos, from which the word ‘lay’ derives, does not occur in the Bible, although the noun laos, meaning ‘people’, is frequent, specifically designating the people of God as distinct from the Gentiles. Thus, the word laos properly refers to a sacred or consecrated people, distinct from a people who are not so consecrated. Several scholarly studies have shown that, although laikos is philologically related to laos, the use of the former term suggests that it refers to a further distinction within the people of God, according to which the laikos is opposed to the priest and Levite as one who is not consecrated for leadership in worship. In short, laikos designated a segment of the Christian population that were not leaders of the community and who exercised no cultic function. It referred to those who were not priests, deacons, or clerics.
Y. Congar (1904–95) argued that in 1 Peter the priestly themes and levitical ethic of the OT are carried over to the people of God as a whole (see, e.g., 1 Pet. 2:9). By contrast, Clement of Rome (fl. 95) is the first to contrast laikos to ‘priest’ (1Clem. 40:5), and uses the former term to refer to that part of the people which is neither priestly nor levitical; nevertheless, for him laikos refers to the non-priestly, non-levitical element among the holy people.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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James, William The psychologist and philosopher William James (1842–1910) is best known as a founder of the psychological–phenomenological study of individual religious experience and the philosophical tradition known as pragmatism. In theological studies, James is best known for his books The Will to Believe (1897) and The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902). Following the publication of the former, James speculated that he should have titled it ‘the right to believe’. In it he rejected the widely accepted views of D. Hume (1711–76), I. Kant, and G. W. F. Hegel by choosing theism and the right or will to believe over absolutism, agnosticism, and determinism. James observed that for many persons religion is a ‘live option’ (defined as an unavoidable and significant choice, upon which a believer is willing to act) and defended the intellectual legitimacy of adopting a religious faith. In Varieties, he rejected objectivism and advocated a radically inclusive empiricism. He argued for the validity of sensory and religious experience and hypothesized that the human ‘subconscious’ functioned as a doorway between the ‘conscious self’ and ‘The More’ that, when open, allowed an individual to receive an experience of the ‘reality of the unseen’. For James, in both volumes, strict adherence to logical reason resulted in deterministic monistic systems, while reality – as it is shaped by free will – remains empirically pluralistic.
List of contributors
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Acknowledgements
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Iconoclasm Iconoclasm (literally ‘breaking of images’) refers to Christian opposition to the production and use of religious images in private or public worship. The prohibition of images has traditionally been based on the Ten Commandments: ‘You shall not make for yourself an idol, whether in the form of anything that is in heaven above, or that is on the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth. You shall not bow down to them or worship them’ (Exod. 20:4–5; cf. Deut. 5:8–9). The idea that the production of representational art leads to its worship – in other words, to idolatry – has been used to justify the destruction of images at various times throughout the history of the Church.
The traditional scholarly explanation for the absence of religious art during the Church's first two centuries (the earliest examples are preserved in the house-church at Dura Europas, dated to ca 240) has been that early Christians adhered rigorously to the Mosaic commandment. Others, however, view the absence of artefacts as the result of historical accident, arguing that the literary sources do not yet associate the production of religious art with idolatrous practices in this period. Patristic references to images are scattered and have been interpreted in various ways by scholars; problems also exist with regard to the authenticity of certain texts.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Summary
Easter: see Calendar, Liturgical.
Eastern Catholic Churches The Eastern Christian Churches are divided into two groups: the Orthodox Churches and the Eastern Catholic (sometimes referred to as Uniate) Churches. Until the eleventh century, all Eastern Churches were visibly in communion with Rome, though as early as the fifth century Church unity had been weakened due to Christological, political, and cultural difficulties. In 1054, the eastern and western branches separated from one another. To this day, the former have been known as the Eastern Orthodox Churches, and the latter, the Catholic (or Latin) Church. The separation was visibly expressed by the Orthodox Churches' rejection of the western way of understanding the primacy of the Pope (see Papacy).
The Orthodox Churches include autocephalous (i.e., self-governing) groups, such as the Greeks, Russians, Ukrainians, Bulgarians, and others. Between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, various Orthodox communities within these autocephalous groups re-established communion with Rome. In this way, each of the Eastern Catholic Churches (except for the Maronite Church) has an Orthodox counterpart. Though they hold their eastern heritage in common with the Orthodox Churches (and, like the latter, continue to have their own patriarchs), they are in communion with the Holy See. These developments can be seen as part of papal attempts to secure unity with the Orthodox that date from the thirteenth century and continue today, most recently with the publishing of John Paul II's (r. 1978–2005) encyclical, Ut unum sint (1995).
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Dalit Theology Dalits (literally meaning ‘broken’ or ‘crushed ones’) refer to the 180 to 200 million outcaste people in India. Cast out of human society and yet appropriated as slaves of the dominant Hindu caste communities, they were traditionally treated as untouchable and unapproachable because of their polluted status in the eyes of the Hindu caste communities. Even though the practice of untouchability was outlawed and a provision of reservation (affirmative action) was introduced through the Indian Constitution in 1950, Dalits continue to suffer under the cumulative effects of colossal economic marginalization and multi-layered social oppression brought on by the three millennia-old hierarchical, discriminatory, and comprehensive caste system.
In this historical context Dalit theology emerged in the 1980s as a liberation strand of Indian contextual thinking, reflecting upon the ongoing Christian mission of resisting oppression and advancing freedom, with special reference to the ‘broken people’. Dalit theology developed in dialogue with liberation theology in Latin America and Black theology in the USA. It also reflects a long history of Indian Christian attempts to inculturate the message of Christianity into the social, cultural, and historical contexts of South Asia (Inculturation). These theological currents aided in its oppositional stance towards forms of missionary and western theology that tended to be highly individualistic and calculatingly ahistorical.
Dalit theology correlates the ‘pain-pathos’ of those marginalized by the scars of untouchability with the hope of the Christian Gospel that encompasses and empowers them on a path towards overcoming the spirit of brokenness and celebrating the promise of new life in Jesus Christ.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Caesaropapism The term ‘caesaropapism’ was coined in the late nineteenth century by western scholars to refer to the supremacy of the civil authority (viz., ‘Caesar’) over the Church in the Byzantine Empire and throughout Orthodox (especially Russian) Christianity more broadly. Its aim was primarily contrastive: to distinguish the situation in the western Church, where the papacy was able to secure a high degree of autonomy in ecclesiastical matters, from that in the East, where the emperor effectively displaced the patriarch of Constantinople as the head of the Church. The sixth-century mosaic of the Byzantine imperial court in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna is often cited as an illustration of this development, with the Emperor Justinian I (r. 527–65) in the centre, crowned with a halo, flanked by twelve attendants (including the local archbishop, standing well to the side), and performing the priestly function of carrying bread (or possibly the paten) for the Eucharist.
The roots of this imperial ascendancy in Byzantine ecclesiastical matters go back to the Emperor Constantine I (ca 275–337). Portrayed by Eusebius of Caesarea (ca 260–ca 340) in quasi-messianic terms for his support of the Church, Constantine set a precedent followed by successors like Justinian in convening and chairing the first ecumenical council at Nicaea. At the same time, the fact that Byzantine theologians like Theodore the Studite felt it appropriate to criticize the imperial attempts to decide (rather than simply to enforce) orthodox teaching shows that imperial claims to full authority in Church affairs were not uncontested.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Balthasar, Hans Urs von Among the most influential Catholic theologians of the twentieth century, Hans Urs von Balthasar (1905–88) gave himself to the work of spiritual direction, translation, and publishing, founding and leading a religious community, and he produced a massive theological literature that, in many ways, is only explicable as the fruit of his spiritual life. His writings range from important studies of Origen, Gregory of Nyssa (see Cappadocian Fathers), and Maximus the Confessor, to analyses of the spiritual life as it unfolds in many different contexts (especially as it is revealed in the lives of the saints and mystical writers), to his great fifteen-volume trilogy in which theology unfolds according to three transcendentals of the beautiful (The Glory of the Lord), the good (Theo-Drama), and the true (Theo-Logic).
In each of these categories (in which he consciously inverts the order of Kant's critiques), Balthasar shows how the patterns of worldly being might become translucent to the consummate truth of their existence. A literary scholar by training, Balthasar often employed genealogies of cultural structures in order to portray their evolution and their transformation within the Gospel. Thus a central motif of his theology is the impression that the divine makes within the world, calling forth from the creatures a variety of finite expressions and echoes in which they are most themselves when they are also epiphanic of divine glory.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Habitus Although it is the etymological root of (and sometimes translated as) ‘habit’, the Latin term habitus is used in theology to refer to a more particular quality than the more or less idiosyncratic patterns of behaviour designated by its English cognate. On the most general level, habitus is a creature's disposition to act in a particular way, as considered in relation to its nature (so that a habitus is good when it accords with nature and bad when it does not). Such dispositions are subject to modification and manifest themselves in regular patterns of behaviour that in their familiarity are experienced by the agent as ‘natural’. Because the possession of proper habitus is crucial to facility in any complex action (e.g., listening, writing, riding a bicycle), their acquisition can be considered an aspect of creaturely perfection. From a specifically moral perspective the totality of a person's habitus constitutes her character.
Within the specifically theological context of medieval Scholasticism (see T. Aquinas, ST 1/2.51.1–2, 4), a distinction is drawn between habitus that are innate to an agent (e.g., knowledge of first principles), habitus that are acquired by the action of the agent that comes to possess it (e.g., reasoning from first principles), and habitus that are infused into an agent by God (e.g., wisdom). The category of infused habitus is particularly significant as a means of explaining how human beings acquire perfections (ultimately, the beatific vision) that are supernatural and therefore by definition beyond their natural capacities.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Race Race is a category by which individuals, groups, and societies interpret diversity in the human family. As a way of making sense, race is founded in the interpretation of differences between human groups – most often differences in melanin content (colour), facial features, hair texture, and also culture. The primary function of race has been both to catalogue and, more significantly, to attribute meaning to these observed differences. The construction and continuing use of the category of race represents a particularly modern approach to a broader human tendency to construct regimes of knowledge that both ground and explain systems of socio-political hegemony by appeal to some putative substantial differences between peoples. While it has been a highly unstable category, race has been enduring in the modern period because of its presumed status as an objective description of reality. This use of race to legitimate systems of social power is a good point from which to explore the idea theologically. Such an exploration begins with some description of the interplay of religion and the social sciences during the formative period of modernity.
Race evolved as a sense-making tool during the period of western global hegemony – modernity – that also saw the rise of the modern physical and social sciences (see Natural Science). During this period Christianity (and religion more generally) was being challenged by the emerging scientific world view, yet during the eighteenth and much of the nineteenth century Christian assumptions about human history (including God's providential guidance of it) continued to frame the field of vision for these sciences.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
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Magisterium Derived from the Latin word for ‘teacher’, ‘magisterium’ is a term in Catholic theology for the teaching office of the Church, rooted in Christ and transmitted through apostolic succession to all bishops in communion with the papacy. According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, because its task is to preserve the faithful from error (§85) through authoritative interpretation of Scripture and tradition, the magisterium possesses the charism of infallibility with respect to matters of faith and morals (§890). Yet, because this charism can be exercised in different ways, a distinction is drawn between the supreme and the ordinary magisterium. The former is exercised when the pope, either by himself or together with the college of bishops, proclaims a doctrine ‘by a definitive act … for belief as being divinely revealed’ (Cat., §891; cf. §88). By contrast, the ordinary magisterium refers to the process by which bishops (and especially the pope) propose ‘a teaching that leads to better understanding of Revelation’ through less formal means like preaching or catechesis (Cat., §892).
It is Catholic teaching that the magisterium, while not itself a source of revelation, nevertheless forms a functional unity with Scripture and tradition, such that ‘one of them cannot stand without the others’ (Cat., §95). This claim that proper interpretation of Scripture requires a teaching office is a central point of disagreement between Catholics and the Churches of the Reformation.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Kairos Document The Kairos Document is a theological comment on the crisis in South Africa, originally published in 1985. Written by a group of theologians who were brought together by F. Chikane (b. 1951), later to become general secretary of the South African Council of Churches, the document arose from discussions among primarily Black Christians. They were eager to develop biblical and theological models that would inspire activism to end apartheid, the system of racial separation and subjugation that characterized South Africa until 1994, when the first democratic elections were held. The 1985 edition was signed by 151 Church leaders, theologians, and others, despite the country being under a partial state of emergency. It was revised slightly and reissued in 1986 at a time of a total state of emergency, but with thousands of Christians openly endorsing it.
The kairos is defined as ‘the moment of grace and opportunity, the favorable time in which God issues a challenge to decisive action’. The text critiques ‘state theology’, which defends the status quo, and ‘church theology,’ which cautiously criticizes apartheid. The document promotes instead a ‘prophetic theology’, which calls for action to confront ‘the evils of the time’ and announces ‘the salvation that we are hoping for’.
Many inside South Africa denounced the document. Some theologians in other parts of the world criticized the text as too millenarian and apocalyptic (see Premillennialism). Widely hailed as a turning point in theological debates within the country, however, the text inspired similar efforts across the world.
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Sabbatarianism ‘Sabbatarianism’ is a term used to refer to any conflation of Christian and Jewish practice with respect to the observance of a weekly day of rest. Historically, this takes two main forms: first, the belief that Christians should honour the Jewish sabbath (viz., Saturday) rather than Sunday as their weekly day of rest; second, a scrupulous observance of Sunday as a day of rest and worship to the exclusion of all other activity.
The former type of sabbatarianism was defended by some Transylvanian Socinians in the sixteenth century (see Socinianism) and some English and American Baptists from the seventeenth century; it is today most widely practised by the Seventh-Day Adventist Church (see Adventism). Its proponents look both to the Ten Commandments, which explicitly name Saturday as the day of rest (Exod. 20:8–11; Deut. 5:12–15), and to Jesus' own practice of sabbath observance (e.g., Luke 4:16). Their opponents point out that Christian observance of Sunday, as the day of Jesus' resurrection, has been the normative practice of Christians from the earliest times, with clear roots in the NT (e.g., the reference to ‘the Lord's day’ in Rev. 1:10; Paul's designation of ‘the first day of the week’ for making offerings in 1 Cor. 16:2).
Scrupulous observance of the Sunday sabbath is historically associated with English-speaking Reformed Christianity, with its stress on the formal replacement of Saturday by Sunday as the divinely instituted sabbath – with all of its attendant obligations (see, e.g., WC 20.7).
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- By Ian A. McFarland, Emory University's Candler School of Theology, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance, University of Aberdeen
- Edited by Ian A. McFarland, Emory University, Atlanta, David A. S. Fergusson, University of Edinburgh, Karen Kilby, University of Nottingham, Iain R. Torrance
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Summary
Zwingli, Huldrych Huldrych Zwingli was born on 1 January, 1484 in Wildhaus (Switzerland). After he completed the Latin School in Weesen, Basel, and Bern, he studied in Vienna and enrolled at the University of Basel in 1502, receiving a Bachelors degree in 1504 and Masters in 1506. That same year he was ordained a priest, and was called as pastor to Glarus, where he dedicated himself to intensive study and fostered contact with Swiss humanists like J. Vadian (1484–1551) and H. Glarean (1488–1563). In 1516 Zwingli moved to Einsiedeln and continued his studies, focusing especially on the letters of Paul and the Gospel of John. At the end of 1518, he was called as pastor to Zurich, and in the following years Zwingli matured to a reformer whose sermons found a large audience and were the cornerstone for social change in Zurich.
In 1522, when respected citizens publicly broke Lenten norms, conflict ensued with the bishop of Constance. Zwingli justified breaking the fast in Concerning Freedom and Choice of Food, which was a comparison between the Reformed principle of Scripture and the Catholic principle of tradition. That same year he demanded that the bishop of Constance remove the rule of clerical celibacy and that sermons be preached according to Scripture in his Supplicatio ad Hugonem episcopum Constantiensem, while in his Apologeticus archeteles he rebuked the bishop's authority altogether.
His preaching and actions met with some resistance in Zurich itself, prompting the city council to convene a hearing in January, 1523.
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