Skip to main content Accessibility help

We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.

Close cookie message
×
Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7czq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-21T23:18:14.477Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

7 - Effects of Stress

from Part Two - Phonetics and Phonology

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 June 2022

By
Judith Meinschaefer
Edited by
Adam Ledgeway  and
Martin Maiden
Adam Ledgeway
Affiliation:
University of Cambridge
Martin Maiden
Affiliation:
University of Oxford
Get access

Summary

This chapter deals with phonological and morpho-lexical phenomena in Romance that are conditioned by prominence or – more generally speaking – metrical structure. Relevant in this respect are synchronic phonological effects on surface forms, in other words, systematic alternations, as well as diachronic effects on underlying representations, that is, on linguistic inventories and systems. Among the phonological effects of prominence treated here are lengthening, well-attested in Italian, and diphthongization of stressed vowels – found in most Romance languages. Of equal interest are effects of non-prominence, such as vowel aphaeresis, apocope and syncope, and vowel reduction. As to phenomena conditioned by constraints on metrical well-formedness, considered here as effects of stress, the chapter deals with the Italo-Romance type of consonant gemination, as well as compensatory lengthening more generally. Adjacent stresses may be subject to clash resolution, a phenomenon that has been described for some, but not all, Romance languages. In the realm of morphophonology, alternations of the verb root often depend on the position of stress, which is particularly evident for diphthongization. The chapter ends with a discussion of how metrical structure shapes the form of words, imposing requirements on the minimal size of lexical entries.

Keywords

apocopeclash resolutioncompensatory lengtheningconsonant geminationmetrical structureprominenceprosodic minimalityword stresssyncopevowel length
Type
Chapter
Information
The Cambridge Handbook of Romance Linguistics , pp. 234 - 260
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2022

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Selected References

Anderson, S. (2008). ‘Phonologically conditioned allomorphy in the morphology of Surmiran (Rumantsch)’, Word Structure 1: 109–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Basbøll, H. (1989). ‘Phonological weight and Italian raddoppiamento fonosintattico’, Rivista di linguistica 1: 5–31.Google Scholar
Chierchia, G. (1986). ‘Length, syllabification and the phonological cycle in Italian’, Journal of Italian Linguistics 8: 5–33.Google Scholar
D’Imperio, M. and Rosenthall, S. (1999). ‘Phonetics and phonology of main stress in Italian’, Phonology 16: 1–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gess, R. (2008). ‘More on (distinctive!) vowel length in historical French’, Journal of French Language Studies 18: 175–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hualde, J. I. (1990). ‘Compensatory lenghthening in Friulian’, Probus 2: 31–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hualde, J. I. (2012). ‘Stress and rhythm’. In Hualde, J. I., Olarrea, A., and O’Rourke, E. (eds), The Handbook of Hispanic Linguistics. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 153–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Magalhães, J. (2016). ‘Main stress and secondary stress in Brazilian and European Portuguese’. In Wetzels, W. L., Costa, J., and Menuzzi, S. (eds), The Handbook of Portuguese Linguistics. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 107–24.Google Scholar
Nespor, M. and Vogel, I. (1989). ‘On clashes and lapses’, Phonology 6: 69–116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Post, B. (1999). ‘Restructured phonological phrases in French: evidence from clash resolution’, Linguistics 37: 41–63.Google Scholar
Selkirk, E. (1978). ‘The French foot: on the status of “mute” e’, Studies in French Linguistics 1: 141–50.Google Scholar
Vigário, M. (2016). ‘Segmental phenomena and their interactions: evidence for prosodic organization and the architecture of grammar’. In Fischer, S. and Gabriel, C. (eds), Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance. Berlin: De Gruyter, 41–73.Google Scholar

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×