The author reviews earlier chapters about the interpretation of the mandate and traditional concerns, concluding that some review and trimming is in order. He believes this is especially so on some matters pertaining to urban “other violence” and also irregular migration. He also believes ICRC “early recovery” programs need clearer limits and at present are not sustainable. The new president from fall 2022 seems open to some changes, which may include revisiting in some ways the nature of the Assembly. A pressing question will remain that of “localization” of the global humanitarian response, and whether Western-based, governed, and financed actors such as the ICRC should yield over time to more local actors when confronting humanitarian concerns. The author believes that, while the quest for a more democratic and less imperial global humanitarian system is good, many have overlooked the importance of what the ICRC has brought to the subject of humanitarian response, namely a reputation for neutrality and appropriate action in conflict situations. These trends are precisely why donors such as the World Bank have continued or even expanded their support for the organization. Similar to Mark Twain, reports of the demise of the ICRC are premature. But that does not mean that all is in order for this oldest of humanitarian actors.

The first chapter introduces different ICRC alumni who are critics of current trends in ICRC policy. While not all alumni have the same views, some allege the organization is undermining its image as an independent and neutral humanitarian actor by such moves as allowing the ICRC president to be on the board of trustees of the World Economic Forum. Some also allege that Geneva has undertaken such broad field activities that it has weakened its reputation linked primarily to international humanitarian law and especially the protection of prisoners, including political prisoners. This introduction to claims of an ICRC in decline by experienced critics who closely follow the ICRC today, based on access to key information, sets the stage for the rest of the book. The author suggests in a preliminary way that the critics raise important points, although some may be more valid or important than others.

Continuing the analysis in the previous chapter, here the author gives attention especially to the rapid growth of staff with its central question of whether a larger, internationalized staff will kill the goose that laid the golden egg. The chapter thus addresses whether more centralized and top-down management of multi-national personnel, evident in recent years, will stifle the creativity and accomplishments of heads of delegations and other staff members who in the past largely built the reputation of the organization. Some now believe the ICRC is no longer characterized by timely, flexible, and effective assistance and protection in its field activities. The chapter also studies the important subject of digital transformation at the Geneva headquarters and in the field. These two chapters on governance and management, especially difficult to construct, are central to understanding the ICRC in contemporary times.

This chapter focuses on a contemporary Movement agreement summarized as Sevilla 2.0. This 2022 agreement tries to specify a division of labor along with increased cooperation within the Movement, both longstanding concerns. Sevilla 2.0 reflects a semantic emphasis on local humanitarian actors, with much rhetoric about the importance of National RC Societies. The agreement shows a certain fatigue with establishment and Western-based (and Western-funded) organizations such as the ICRC. However, in Sevilla 2.0 the ICRC was able to protect its traditional roles and functions, while agreeing to be more of a team player. How the ICRC and its partners functioned in the Syrian armed conflict of 2011–2022 is then examined. This case shows a very complicated relationship between the ICRC and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, between these two actors and various fighting parties, chief among which was the Assad government. The ICRC was compelled to abandon a fully Dunantist posture in the Syrian complex conflict. Comparisons are made with other organizations and conflicts.

Continuing the discussion about how the contemporary ICRC interprets its core mandate, or how it exercises its right of initiative, this chapter starts with the subject of low-level urban violence. The author understands how the organization gets drawn into situations such as Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and Port au Prince, Haiti, but is doubtful the organization can have much impact in very large and dysfunctional urban centers such as Karachi or Lagos. Major humanitarian needs certainly exist in violent urban areas, but whether the ICRC is the right agency for addressing them merits review. Likewise, on dealing with irregular migrants, the author understands the focus on detention issues but doubts some of the other existing activities should be systematically or consistently addressed by the ICRC. There are many other actors active on irregular migration. The ICRC does indeed run the risk of losing its special niche and becoming a very broad, all purpose, do-gooder agency, as some critics fear. A dilemma is how to be a good team player within the RC Movement but not fall victim to mission creep.

This chapter examines several cases of interaction between the ICRC and Bern, emphasizing ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga’s concern to buttress ICRC independence circa 1993, an orientation continued by his successor, ICRC President Jakob Kellenberger. This is contrasted with different policies during the era of ICRC President Peter Maurer. The relationship between Bern and Geneva will always be unique, since Bern has a special status in international humanitarian law, and because Bern is a significant donor to the ICRC’s budget. But the chapter argues for more attention to the differences between ICRC humanitarian neutrality and Swiss political neutrality, whether at the United Nations or in Ukraine.

This historical chapter explains the origins of the ICRC in Geneva immediately before and after 1863 and the organization’s very early activities. It goes into some detail about the two key founding fathers, Henry Dunant and Gustave Moynier. The focus on two key persons gives flesh and blood to early developments for both the ICRC and the global Red Cross network that the ICRC initiated and helped structure. Religious origins are contrasted with secular evolution. Amateurism is contrasted with a quest for professionalization. Flexible decision-making is noted. Also mentioned are Genevan Exceptionalism and Swiss nationalism. This chapter allows a vivid contrast between the early ICRC and the organization it has become in contemporary times.

This chapter provides an overview of the global humanitarian system. This overview shows that the changing nature of world affairs has contributed to the ICRC moving in certain policy directions. Such factors as competition with many other humanitarian actors, plus the desires of donors and beneficiaries and partners, has helped push the ICRC into a broader range of activities. Such factors as the end of the Cold War, the rise of many protracted conflicts or forever wars, a more active United Nations, and other changes have indeed affected ICRC policy choices. The critics of the ICRC are thus placed in broad context. The spread ICRC activity is thus noted, while leaving a full evaluation of what is desirable and what should be reviewed to later chapters.

This second historical chapter provides some important episodes in ICRC history between about 1910 (the death of both Dunant and Moynier) and the end of the Cold War (which is when the rest of the book takes off). Thus the chapter introduces the ICRC through a selected review of its history, emphasizing: the development of international humanitarian law and the global Red Cross network, helping to apply that law and Red Cross Fundamental Principles through assistance and protection in the field, and related activities such as protection of political prisoners. All of this sets the stage for a close analysis of the ICRC since the end of the Cold War and particularly since about 2012. If one wants to know if the ICRC is now in demise, one needs a picture of what it was and did in the past.

Focusing on the relationship between the ICRC and the business world, the chapter notes that the ICRC was sustained in its first decades by Swiss corporate donations. There is also passing note that two of the early basic beliefs of ICRC leaders were the value of religion and private property. The ICRC governing board has always been well stocked with business leaders but not labor leaders. That board, aka the Assembly, has not been well constructed in recent decades, but there is little firm evidence that business leaders on the board have affected ICRC field operations or active diplomacy in significant ways. In recent years the organization has created a Corporate Support Group to recognize major business donors, who remain mostly Swiss, some of whom are controversial. Overall the financial contributions to the ICRC from the business sector constitute a small percentage of the total today, although the organization contracts with a number of for-profit entities to sustain its activities.

This chapter covers much ground by looking into the black box of ICRC decision making. The subject is rarely covered by outsiders, given the difficulty of obtaining reliable information. Facts and interpretations are presented about the role and influence of the Assembly (governing board), Assembly Council, presidents, directors-general, and Directorate. There is a comparative evaluation of the roles and legacies of the three most recent presidents as well as the often ignored subject of the different directors-general (who are the CEOs of the organization or are supposed to be – if the presidents do not pre-empt that role). On the one hand, bringing in outside presidents from Bern with differing styles and values does make a difference both internally and externally for the ICRC. On the other hand, a Swiss cultural tradition of collective consultation and accommodation is at work, as presidents rarely take decisions entirely on their own. It is extremely rare to have public spats or resignations at the top of the ICRC over policy disagreements.

The book closes with some early observations about the international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine, from February 2022 until summer 2023 when this book was finalized. The Epilogue focuses on civilian Protection, prisoners of war, and ICRC communications policy. This approach allows one to begin to understand the complexities and difficult decisions facing the organization. The author’s necessarily tentative observations note, for example, the difficulties of getting ICRC activities properly underway, the sizable civilian assistance and protection provided, the grave difficulties involved in trying to get proper access to prisoners of war on both sides, and the debate surrounding the ICRC communications policy – which was much more open about civilian dangers and destruction than about the status of diplomacy for prisoners of war (not to mention interned and restricted Ukrainian civilians on the Russian side). As the book was going to press, the ICRC had major reputational problems in Kyiv despite its great effort to aid Ukrainian civilians severely affected by the fighting. And despite many bridge-building efforts in the past, it faced Russian policymakers whose priorities clearly did not include great attention to the rules of IHL, as had been true of Russian actions in the Syrian internal war and violent unrest in the Russian area of Chechnya – not to mention controversial Russian mercenary action in the Sahel. Despite over 150 years of persistent ICRC efforts, it was evident that in general the laws of war remained a fragile restraint on armed conflict and other major violence.

The author explains his long connections with the ICRC and the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement over about fifty years, and thus his ability to collect much information from different sources as an independent researcher.

The ICRC is presented as having three identities: a Swiss private organization, a member of the global Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, and an entity recognized with rights and duties in public international law. Details of each identity and how identity affects policy are provided. Concrete examples are given of the interplay of the three identities. The crux of the chapter is an analysis of the uniqueness of the ICRC, an analysis that leads into a deeper study of the relationship between the ICRC and the RC Movement in the following chapter.

While the last chapter examines primarily the interplay between the ICRC and the RC Movement, this chapter examines ICRC links with the Swiss federal authorities in Bern. The chapter shows that historically relations have been very close, with early ICRC leaders failing to recognize that their humanitarian neutrality was different, or should be different, from Swiss political neutrality as directed by Bern. This failure accounts for a big reason, but not the only reason, why the ICRC compiled a defective record in responding to the Holocaust in the Nazi era. But the problem of too much Swiss nationalism, and lack of independence, in ICRC policymaking was evident before then, as in dealing with Mussolini.