Introduction

Refugees flee persecution to avoid death or torture and represent a small proportion of the total number of migrants in the world. Most flee into neighbouring countries where they may live in makeshift camps for several decades at a time, rarely commanding the attention of the international media. Alternatively, some attempt often arduous journeys in search of asylum in traditional resettlement recipient countries of North America, Europe and Australia.

Proportionately, the number of refugees reaching these countries is low. Asylum policies from these countries continue to emphasise containment in regions of origin and by drawing up legislation, regulations and policies to exclude new arrivals, the definition of who qualifies as a refugee has constricted over time. Over 70% of the world's refugees are therefore hosted in developing countries (Buscher et al, 2005). Of the 9.6 million refugees known to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2003, two thirds (6.2 million) were in ‘protracted refugee situations’ in 38 locations around the world – 22 of which were in sub-Saharan Africa (2.3 million). Most refugees, therefore, never leave their regions of origin and this lack of responsibility sharing for refugees undoubtedly contributes to the arrival of asylum seekers from across the world into the United Kingdom (UK).

In the same year in the UK, of those applying for asylum, only around 6% were granted refugee status at the initial decision stage (Lewis, M., 2005). Numerically, therefore, the numbers of refugees who reach the UK are insignificant in global terms. Policy and media attention on asylum seekers, however, invariably portrays a contrary picture and people seeking asylum currently encounter a whole range of legislative measures and policy mechanisms designed within an overarching policy framework of deterrence. In recent years, these measures have included detention, deportation (now known as ‘administrative removal’), destitution and compulsory dispersal to urban centres outside London and the South East of England.

The bulk of this book is about one of these policy mechanisms – the compulsory dispersal of asylum seekers following the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. Many commentators have suggested that dispersal in the UK is voluntary because asylum seekers can opt out of obtaining accommodation by being supported by family and friends (see, for example, Boswell, 2003).