Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgement
- Introduction
- 1 Towards A Post-Racialist Malaysia
- 2 Colonialism's Legacy Is A Defensive Psyche
- 3 All You Hybrids, Emerge From Your Closet
- 4 Labour Stripped Down To Bare Essentials
- 5 How Will Nationalism Evolve?
- 6 Selangor – The Battleground For Malaysia's Future
- 7 A Lesson For Countries Where Fear Of Political Change Runs Deep
- 8 What Brain, What Drain?
- 9 Can Pakatan Rakyat Continue To Inspire?
- 10 Tun Dr Lim, A Local And National Leader
- 11 Urban Parochialism, Rural Cosmopolitanism
- 12 How Will Najib Play His Cards?
- 13 Turning Isolating Distance Into Social Space
- 14 BN's Systemic Weaknesses Are Not Going Away
- 15 Dr M: Politician To The Core
- 16 Bookstores And Our Weak Sense Of Self-Esteem
- 17 Malaysia's Future After March 8, 2008
- 18 BN Feels The Sarawak Heat
- 19 Now's Not The Time For Najib To Call A GE
- 20 More Federalism, Less Centralism
- 21 Bersih 2.0 Is Najib's Biggest Challenge
- 22 Bersih 2.0: Malaysia's King Steps Forth
- 23 Weighing The Political Cost Of July 9
- 24 Must We Stay Victims Of Past Strategies?
- 25 UMNO Turning Right Leads BN Downhill
- 26 ISA Repeal: Najib Should Push Ahead
- 27 Will Najib's Election Goodies Be Enough?
- 28 Did Malaysia Mature When We Were Not Looking?
- 29 Securing Public Space In The Post-Imperial Age
- 30 In Malaysia, Reforms Take A Staggered Path
- 31 A Long Life Lived In Politics
- 32 Anwar Acquittal Boosts Malaysia's Opposition
- 33 New Think Tanks For New Times
- 34 Malaysian Envelopment
- 35 Saving Federalism In Malaysia
- 36 Kuala Lumpur – Still Best At Being Middling
- 37 ASEAN – A Post-Colonial Sisterhood
- 38 General Over A Hesitant Army
- 39 “Heal Malaysia” – A Slogan For The Elections
- 40 Putting May 13 To Rest
- 41 Past Cures As Present Addictions
- 42 Rules Of The Road Are Best Practices For Good Governance
- 43 Dignity Is The Basic Human Right
- 44 The Nation Must Embrace A New Stage In Its Development
- 45 Marks Of A Sincere Malaysian Leader
- 46 Impressions Of Istanbul, Or How History Never Ends
- 47 School Is Dead, Long Live Education
- 48 Income Gap, Outcome Bad
- 49 The Deuce Position And Najib's Incumbency Advantage
- 50 The Resurgence Of Social Activism In Malaysia
- 51 From Now On, It's A Malay vs Malay Contest
- 52 If Only The World Would Remain Flat…
- 53 Education For What And For Whom?
- 54 Political Picnicking In KL
- 55 Malaysian Togetherness Survives Despite Its Leaders
- 56 Malaysians Done Making Do
12 - How Will Najib Play His Cards?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgement
- Introduction
- 1 Towards A Post-Racialist Malaysia
- 2 Colonialism's Legacy Is A Defensive Psyche
- 3 All You Hybrids, Emerge From Your Closet
- 4 Labour Stripped Down To Bare Essentials
- 5 How Will Nationalism Evolve?
- 6 Selangor – The Battleground For Malaysia's Future
- 7 A Lesson For Countries Where Fear Of Political Change Runs Deep
- 8 What Brain, What Drain?
- 9 Can Pakatan Rakyat Continue To Inspire?
- 10 Tun Dr Lim, A Local And National Leader
- 11 Urban Parochialism, Rural Cosmopolitanism
- 12 How Will Najib Play His Cards?
- 13 Turning Isolating Distance Into Social Space
- 14 BN's Systemic Weaknesses Are Not Going Away
- 15 Dr M: Politician To The Core
- 16 Bookstores And Our Weak Sense Of Self-Esteem
- 17 Malaysia's Future After March 8, 2008
- 18 BN Feels The Sarawak Heat
- 19 Now's Not The Time For Najib To Call A GE
- 20 More Federalism, Less Centralism
- 21 Bersih 2.0 Is Najib's Biggest Challenge
- 22 Bersih 2.0: Malaysia's King Steps Forth
- 23 Weighing The Political Cost Of July 9
- 24 Must We Stay Victims Of Past Strategies?
- 25 UMNO Turning Right Leads BN Downhill
- 26 ISA Repeal: Najib Should Push Ahead
- 27 Will Najib's Election Goodies Be Enough?
- 28 Did Malaysia Mature When We Were Not Looking?
- 29 Securing Public Space In The Post-Imperial Age
- 30 In Malaysia, Reforms Take A Staggered Path
- 31 A Long Life Lived In Politics
- 32 Anwar Acquittal Boosts Malaysia's Opposition
- 33 New Think Tanks For New Times
- 34 Malaysian Envelopment
- 35 Saving Federalism In Malaysia
- 36 Kuala Lumpur – Still Best At Being Middling
- 37 ASEAN – A Post-Colonial Sisterhood
- 38 General Over A Hesitant Army
- 39 “Heal Malaysia” – A Slogan For The Elections
- 40 Putting May 13 To Rest
- 41 Past Cures As Present Addictions
- 42 Rules Of The Road Are Best Practices For Good Governance
- 43 Dignity Is The Basic Human Right
- 44 The Nation Must Embrace A New Stage In Its Development
- 45 Marks Of A Sincere Malaysian Leader
- 46 Impressions Of Istanbul, Or How History Never Ends
- 47 School Is Dead, Long Live Education
- 48 Income Gap, Outcome Bad
- 49 The Deuce Position And Najib's Incumbency Advantage
- 50 The Resurgence Of Social Activism In Malaysia
- 51 From Now On, It's A Malay vs Malay Contest
- 52 If Only The World Would Remain Flat…
- 53 Education For What And For Whom?
- 54 Political Picnicking In KL
- 55 Malaysian Togetherness Survives Despite Its Leaders
- 56 Malaysians Done Making Do
Summary
Rumours that snap elections will be called shortly have grown intense in Malaysia. No doubt, these have been floating around for quite some time, and like forecasts of rain, or even predictions about the world ending; sooner or later, the soothsayers will prove right.
I remember the same excitement throughout 2003 about a possible snap election. It turned out that then-Premier Abdullah Badawi did announce snap elections in mid-February 2004, more than a year before he needed to hold polls. As we now know, where he was concerned, that was a bad mistake.
But what is different this time around is that the combinations of elections that can be held are many, and all of them hold different significance for the coalitions and parties involved. In Malaysia, state elections do not need to be held at the same time as parliamentary elections.
Traditionally, the two tiers of elections were conducted simultaneously, because few state assemblies were outside federal control. In recent times, Kelantan has been the effective exception.
In principle, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) could have held state elections at any time it saw fit. That had, however, never happened for the simple reason that should it hold elections separate from federal elections, all the cannons of the Barisan Nasional (BN) would have been freely directed at it. That was, and is, a scary prospect for PAS.
Holding state elections while the BN was busy campaigning throughout the country at the same time had, therefore, always been a comfortable choice to make.
The situation today is quite different. As many as four state governments are not being ruled by the BN, and although two opposition parties are going through some bad patches at the moment, the BN itself is not as sturdy as recent by-election victories might suggest. Its component members have not been able to attract new members, and that is not an encouraging sign.
Reforms carried out by the BN have been superficial, which indicates that its appeal to urban voters is unlikely to have increased substantially. This means the Prime Minister will have to tread carefully if he does not wish for the result of a snap election to be as unpleasant a shock as that of March 8, 2008 was for Abdullah Badawi.
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- Done Making Do1Party Rule Ends in Malaysia, pp. 34 - 36Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstitutePrint publication year: 2013