Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables
- List of figures
- List of plates
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- List of abbreviations and conventions
- Introductory Chapter: The Need to Engage in the Field Experience
- I Background Material: The Two Regions and the Eight Localities
- II A Dry Grain Agrarian Mode
- III The Village Farmland
- IV The Farming Household: (1) Joint Households
- V The Farming Household: (2) Miscellaneous Aspects
- VI The Essence of Inequality: Land Ownership
- VII The Diversity of Economic Activity
- VIII Intensification
- IX Upward and Downward Mobility
- X Migration
- XI Rural/Urban Relationships
- XII The Withdrawal from the Countryside
- XIII Agrestic Servitude
- XIV The Inevitable Dissolution of the Large Estates
- XV How did the Weakest Elements formerly Survive in the Anekal Villages?
- XVI The Lack of an Agrarian Hierarchy in Pre-colonial West Africa
- XVII A Dry Grain Mode: Some Conclusions
- List of references
- Index
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables
- List of figures
- List of plates
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- List of abbreviations and conventions
- Introductory Chapter: The Need to Engage in the Field Experience
- I Background Material: The Two Regions and the Eight Localities
- II A Dry Grain Agrarian Mode
- III The Village Farmland
- IV The Farming Household: (1) Joint Households
- V The Farming Household: (2) Miscellaneous Aspects
- VI The Essence of Inequality: Land Ownership
- VII The Diversity of Economic Activity
- VIII Intensification
- IX Upward and Downward Mobility
- X Migration
- XI Rural/Urban Relationships
- XII The Withdrawal from the Countryside
- XIII Agrestic Servitude
- XIV The Inevitable Dissolution of the Large Estates
- XV How did the Weakest Elements formerly Survive in the Anekal Villages?
- XVI The Lack of an Agrarian Hierarchy in Pre-colonial West Africa
- XVII A Dry Grain Mode: Some Conclusions
- List of references
- Index
Summary
I employ ‘agrestic servitude’ to cover both farm-slavery proper, which existed in Hausaland in 1900, but not (of course) in south-eastern Mysore, and the bonded farm-labouring system of Mysore, which had no counterpart in rural Hausaland. Nowadays, as we know, there are very few household heads in either region who are prevented, by bonds of agrestic servitude alone, from being free cultivators.
CONTRACT LABOURERS IN KARNATAKA
Defining contract labourers in south-eastern Karnataka as those not employed on the usual daily basis, but for longer periods, our first question is whether significant proportions of such labourers in earlier times were likely to have been bonded labourers proper – i.e. men tied by debt to their masters.
The literature on the history of contract labourers in south-eastern Mysore is very weak – indeed, it would be virtually non-existent were it not for Buchanan. Sources on south Indian bonded labouring, such as Hjejle, usually refer almost exclusively to the Madras Presidency, partly because Mysore, as a princely state, was backward in record keeping. Even so, I think it is significant that I could find hardly any references to contract labouring in south-eastern Mysore in the Karnataka State Archives, references to day labourers being numerous. Nor has recent fieldwork been of much help. In the Anekal villages a careful distinction is always made between daily-paid labourers (kuli) and full-time farm servants, who are very rare, but everyone seemed to have his own definition of such euphemistic Kannada words as sambalagara, jitadalu, alugalu, batigaru, all of which refer to labourers on some kind of contract basis.
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- Dry Grain Farming FamiliesHausalund (Nigeria) and Karnataka (India) Compared, pp. 240 - 253Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1982