Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables
- List of figures
- List of plates
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- List of abbreviations and conventions
- Introductory Chapter: The Need to Engage in the Field Experience
- I Background Material: The Two Regions and the Eight Localities
- II A Dry Grain Agrarian Mode
- III The Village Farmland
- IV The Farming Household: (1) Joint Households
- V The Farming Household: (2) Miscellaneous Aspects
- VI The Essence of Inequality: Land Ownership
- VII The Diversity of Economic Activity
- VIII Intensification
- IX Upward and Downward Mobility
- X Migration
- XI Rural/Urban Relationships
- XII The Withdrawal from the Countryside
- XIII Agrestic Servitude
- XIV The Inevitable Dissolution of the Large Estates
- XV How did the Weakest Elements formerly Survive in the Anekal Villages?
- XVI The Lack of an Agrarian Hierarchy in Pre-colonial West Africa
- XVII A Dry Grain Mode: Some Conclusions
- List of references
- Index
XIV - The Inevitable Dissolution of the Large Estates
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables
- List of figures
- List of plates
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- List of abbreviations and conventions
- Introductory Chapter: The Need to Engage in the Field Experience
- I Background Material: The Two Regions and the Eight Localities
- II A Dry Grain Agrarian Mode
- III The Village Farmland
- IV The Farming Household: (1) Joint Households
- V The Farming Household: (2) Miscellaneous Aspects
- VI The Essence of Inequality: Land Ownership
- VII The Diversity of Economic Activity
- VIII Intensification
- IX Upward and Downward Mobility
- X Migration
- XI Rural/Urban Relationships
- XII The Withdrawal from the Countryside
- XIII Agrestic Servitude
- XIV The Inevitable Dissolution of the Large Estates
- XV How did the Weakest Elements formerly Survive in the Anekal Villages?
- XVI The Lack of an Agrarian Hierarchy in Pre-colonial West Africa
- XVII A Dry Grain Mode: Some Conclusions
- List of references
- Index
Summary
In Chapter XII I examined the withdrawal from the countryside which has occurred during this century in both continents, stressing its association with the ending of farm-slavery in Hausaland and with the legal abolition of the hereditary estate-holders (jodidars) in Karnataka. In this brief chapter I discuss the inevitability of the dissolution of the large estates.
HAUSALAND
In pre-colonial Hausaland all the aristocratic and absentee owners of large estates, which were often holdings which were widely dispersed, were almost wholly dependent on the labour of their male and female slaves, which was supervised by slave foremen. Ordinary private slave owners, who were much more numerous, would usually have had their resident sons working alongside their slaves. Given that few free women worked on the land at that time, it is likely that most private farmers with holdings above, say, 50 acres would have owned farm slaves, for systems of farmlabour employment were lacking and communal labour was no more than a stop-gap for private farmers.
The large estate owners (I refer to the aristocratic and absentee owners as such) might have survived the collapse of farm-slavery had the system of daily-paid farm-labouring, which replaced it, been properly adaptable to their purposes – as it was not. As we know, this system has many inherent defects, which essentially reflect the spasmodic nature of farming activity during the farming season; two, at least, of these defects proved fatal to the estate owners, namely the constant effort of recruiting new workers at short notice and the need to supervise all the labourers' work.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Dry Grain Farming FamiliesHausalund (Nigeria) and Karnataka (India) Compared, pp. 254 - 263Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1982