Introduction

The terms ‘rise’ and ‘fall’ have provided a useful, if reductive, approach to categorising and periodising change over time since the late 18th century (Gibbon 2000). Social housing rose in scale and importance for most of the 20th century, and, as part of wider housing policy, made an important contribution to social progress in the UK. However, this contribution has been taken for granted, debated, challenged, and sometimes overshadowed by perceived problems. Since the first years of council housing, some estates have been seen as ‘problems’ in some senses and by some people. From the 1970s, the idea that larger parts, or even all of social housing had fallen in quality and status become more widespread. From the 1980s, social housing began to fall as a proportion of all homes and households. However, the extent, nature and causes of problems have often been unclear, even to those trying to solve them, and they remain debatable.

‘Social housing’

Social housing is rented housing, owned and managed by local authorities (or ‘councils’) and by housing associations. Local authorities were the main builders of the UK's social housing stock. They were also the main owners and managers of social housing in England until 2011, when they were overtaken by housing associations. Housing associations grew rapidly in the 1990s and 2000s, partly because of transfers of homes from councils. They have been described as private, public, voluntary and third sector organisations, and as ‘hybrids’ (Mullins et al 2014; ONS 2017).

Social housing organisations have generally received subsidy from government to build and, to some extent, to maintain homes, and many tenants receive help to pay the rent through housing benefit (or Universal Credit). (It should be noted that private house building and ownership receives support too). Social landlords are regulated on building standards, management standards, rent levels and financial stability to a much greater extent than private landlords. Today, rent levels in social housing are largely controlled by government and are usually 50–60 per cent of private sector rents in the same area (Stephens et al 2019)