During the struggle for liberation, NLMs presented themselves as embodiments of the oppressed nation. This meant that where there was more than one such movement claiming to represent the nation, contestation between rivals was bitter. Although ZANU and ZAPU patched up an alliance during final negotiations with the colonial regime, ZANU thereafter claimed hegemony and was subsequently to enforce ZAPU's merger into ZANU-PF. Yet alongside rival parties, there were also always other organizations – trade unions, civics, churches, and so on – representing sectoral interests. Most such bodies would see themselves as contributing to the struggle, and would explicitly or implicitly subject themselves to the ultimate leadership of the liberation movement. For instance, although there was fierce debate amongst civics regarding political orientation in South Africa in the 1980s, the UDF came to acknowledge its subordinate status to the ANC and dissolved itself into the latter after the movement had returned from exile. However, whereas during the struggle there were strong reasons for asserting unity, the triumph of the NLM was always likely to see a reassertion of diversity as, in turn, different groups would put forward claims which would compete with the new government's agendas. Further, once a liberation movement assumed power, it had to make policy choices which at times dismayed or even alienated components of the societal alliance which had fallen in behind it. Once they had assumed state power, liberation movements were likely to come under challenge from below.