Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Introduction: statement of arguments
- 1 National identity and foreign policy: a dialectical relationship
- 2 Polish identity 1795–1944: from romanticism to positivism to ethnonationalism
- 3 Poland after World War II: native conservatism and the return to Central Europe
- 4 Polish foreign policy in perspective: a new encounter with positivism
- 5 Russia's national identity and the accursed question: a strong state and a weak society
- 6 Russian identity and the Soviet period
- 7 Russia's foreign policy reconsidered
- 8 Ukraine: the ambivalent identity of a submerged nation, 1654–1945
- 9 Ukraine after World War II: birth pangs of a modern identity
- 10 Foreign policy as a means of nation building
- 11 Conclusion: national identity and politics in the age of the “Mass-Man”
- Index
- Cambridge Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies
2 - Polish identity 1795–1944: from romanticism to positivism to ethnonationalism
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 December 2009
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Introduction: statement of arguments
- 1 National identity and foreign policy: a dialectical relationship
- 2 Polish identity 1795–1944: from romanticism to positivism to ethnonationalism
- 3 Poland after World War II: native conservatism and the return to Central Europe
- 4 Polish foreign policy in perspective: a new encounter with positivism
- 5 Russia's national identity and the accursed question: a strong state and a weak society
- 6 Russian identity and the Soviet period
- 7 Russia's foreign policy reconsidered
- 8 Ukraine: the ambivalent identity of a submerged nation, 1654–1945
- 9 Ukraine after World War II: birth pangs of a modern identity
- 10 Foreign policy as a means of nation building
- 11 Conclusion: national identity and politics in the age of the “Mass-Man”
- Index
- Cambridge Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies
Summary
All men, as beings of one and the same nature, have equal rights and equal obligations; all are brethren, all are children of the one father – God; all are members of one family – Mankind … The reborn independent Poland will be democratic. All, irrespective of faith and origin, will receive mental, political, and cultural emancipation …
Manifesto of a Democratic Society, 1836Sooner or later [the Jews] will be fused with us in a uniform society.
Boleslaw Prus, 1886Even if Jews were moral angels, mentally geniuses, even if they were people of a higher kind than we are, the very fact of their existence among us and their close participation in our life is for our society lethal (zabòjczy) and they have to be got rid of (Trzeba sie ich pozby).
Roman Dmowski, 1934Poland is a “historic” nation with an indigenous national elite and a powerful sense of distinctiveness and identity. However, until World War II, its national identity to a large degree remained in the repository of a small social and political elite that perpetuated a peculiar collective memory of the idea of Poland – a Poland that was rooted in a commonwealth with Lithuania, that covered vast areas of contemporary Ukraine and Belarus and perceived itself as a great military power, armed with the messianic notion of having been endowed with a civilizing mission and a racially superior ruling class. It was the collective memory and the state of mind of this elite that gave content to the domestic and foreign policies of the Polish Second Republic (1919–39).
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- Information
- National Identity and Foreign PolicyNationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine, pp. 38 - 74Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1998