Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of illustrations
- List of tables
- Acknowledgements
- Note on orthography
- INTRODUCTION: IDEOLOGY AND AGRARIAN CHANGE
- PART I THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SAMBUJAT
- Chapter 1 The power of the spirit-shrines
- Chapter 2 Rice fields and labor relationships
- Conclusions to Part I
- PART II AT THE CROSSROADS: THE KUJAMAAT JOLA OF JIPALOM
- PART III MANDING MODELS AND FATIYA MORES
- EPILOGUE: THE JOLA IN THE PRESENT NATIONAL SCENE
- Notes
- References
- Index
- Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology
Chapter 2 - Rice fields and labor relationships
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 November 2009
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of illustrations
- List of tables
- Acknowledgements
- Note on orthography
- INTRODUCTION: IDEOLOGY AND AGRARIAN CHANGE
- PART I THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SAMBUJAT
- Chapter 1 The power of the spirit-shrines
- Chapter 2 Rice fields and labor relationships
- Conclusions to Part I
- PART II AT THE CROSSROADS: THE KUJAMAAT JOLA OF JIPALOM
- PART III MANDING MODELS AND FATIYA MORES
- EPILOGUE: THE JOLA IN THE PRESENT NATIONAL SCENE
- Notes
- References
- Index
- Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology
Summary
So far, I have tried to convey some idea of where the sources of power in Esudadu society reside, and how social control is exerted. Within general processes of resource allocation, elders play an important guardianship role. Men are generally more concerned with land and cattle, and women with crops and children. But shrine-keepers of either gender command important authoritative resources by virtue of the tacit support they receive from their congregations. In the present chapter, I will try to show how relations of control built around the spirit-shrines facilitate the flow of labor between individuals and groups. The shrines and their keepers help to keep in check the competitive relations that are built around property and people. In so doing, they mediate in social relations of production. For production to proceed, sanctioned forms of reciprocity are a social necessity. For it is the case that in Sambujat people do not automatically cooperate.
The cultural emphasis that is placed on working hard, producing great stores of rice, acquiring cattle and children, amassing wealth, has its obverse side. There is a great deal of secretiveness and competitive feeling surrounding resources. This competition shows up in many ways. We have seen that persons compete over rights to land. They also compete over cattle. A man will not say how many head he owns; he will keep his cattle far away in another village, to prevent their being stolen or “poisoned” by one of his classificatory agnates. A couple who loses many children will move to another hank for safety.
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- Information
- Power, Prayer and ProductionThe Jola of Casamance, Senegal, pp. 52 - 73Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1991