Introduction

This chapter will show that the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) (Leben 1973; Goldsmith 1976) effect demonstrated by Yucatec Maya provides evidence for two recent theoretical proposals in Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993). First, the triggering constraint of the phonological alternation will be shown to be a kind of double OCP by Local Conjunction of constraints (Smolensky 1993, 1995, 1997). Second, the output of stop-initial clusters requires the use of Sympathy Theory (McCarthy 1999).

In Yucatec Maya, when a stop is followed by a homorganic stop (or affricate), it becomes [h], and when an affricate is followed by a homorganic stop (or affricate), it spirantizes into a homorganic fricative (Straight 1976).

First, I discuss what triggers the alternation of stops or affricates. When two adjacent segments share only the same place features, the alternation is not observed. Also, when they share only the stop feature, the alternation does not take place. I therefore assert that no single OCP constraint such as OCP[Place], OCPfstop], and so on, forces the alternation. Rather, I claim that it is a local conjunction, OCP[Place] & OCP[stop], that triggers the stop alternation. Second, I demonstrate the constraint interaction that accounts for why the segment does not delete but is replaced by [h] in the case of stop alternation. Third, I discuss the asymmetry between the affricate alternation and the stop alternation. While only the stop feature changes in the case of affricates, both the manner and place features change in the stop alternation.