The social context for the controversy over satanic abuse is complex, as is to be expected in a late twentieth-century Western society. The allegations that have emerged in cases of children and adults alike are the results of a largely uncoordinated and heterogeneous social movement (cf. Victor 1991: 224). There is a variety of groups involved in promoting the idea that satanic abuse is real and prevalent, but they are not formally linked and the different categories of those who support their views extend well beyond their membership. Like African witchfinding cults, the movement has no single organisational structure (Willis 1970: 129). Moreover, categories of people who take the same anti-satanist stance may be sharply divided on issues other than the main one of belief in the allegations. Christian fundamentalists, for example, hold deeply conservative views on the family and on moral issues such as abortion that are diametrically opposed to those held by radical feminists, but both groups have seen a reason to support the view that satanic abuse is rife and spreading (Jenkins 1992: 175–6).

This chapter will broadly share the conclusions drawn by Jenkins that I quoted earlier (p. 20) about the success of a small network of activists, and will confirm his analysis of the social trends behind the movement. It will also try to go beyond this to show the shifting and broadening definition of the problem over time.