Introduction

How did the white working class come to be seen as ‘a rabble’ when it was once perceived as the bedrock in the building of modern Britain? This question will be explored in the context of multiculturalism and, more specifically, whether its rise paralleled the decline of the voice of the white working class. Our contention is that it was not multiculturalism that led to the marginality of this group in the debates on identity and social change, but shifting policy and political priorities.

Recently, there has been plenty of discussion in political and academic debates about the decline in multiculturalism. Its place as a policy framework has been taken initially by community cohesion and latterly integration. Community cohesion, which emerged after the riots of 2001 in Burnley, Oldham and Bradford, may be viewed as problematic due to its emphasis on nebulous norms and culture as well as problematic differences in visible minority communities. Lowincome white communities were key protagonists in the riots but were largely absent from the slew of government-sponsored reports that were published soon afterwards. In itself, this is not surprising given that academic research on race has tended to frame the white working class as either silent, or an adversarial opponent of migrants and hostile towards immigration.

This chapter will suggest that deindustrialisation and the rise of New Labour were among the key drivers for the loss of the white workingclass voice and not multiculturalism. In particular, the political strategy of maximising middle-class votes by occupying a centrist position in politics confined the white working class to the political margins. However, Labour's defeat in the 2010 general election led to a renewed interest in the white working class. This can be seen in the influence of the ‘Blue Labour’ grouping, with its emphasis on communitarian and class values, as well as in the success of the ultra-nationalist UKIP, which while formerly viewed as a refuge for right-wing Conservatives in the south-east of England, changed its strategy to appeal to white working-class voters who had traditionally voted Labour, with a good deal of success in the 2014 elections.

There is a danger that this renewed interest in working-class politics and identity may be politically and socially counterproductive.