Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-xbtfd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-08T08:33:26.830Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Partisan Next Door

Stereotypes of Party Supporters and Consequences for Polarization in America

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2021

Ethan C. Busby
Affiliation:
Brigham Young University
Adam J. Howat
Affiliation:
Oberlin College, Ohio
Jacob E. Rothschild
Affiliation:
Reality Check Insights
Richard M. Shafranek
Affiliation:
HIT Strategies

Summary

In the United States, politics has become tribal and personalized. The influence of partisan divisions has extended beyond the political realm into everyday life, affecting relationships and workplaces as well as the ballot box. To help explain this trend, we examine the stereotypes Americans have of ordinary Democrats and Republicans. Using data from surveys, experiments, and Americans' own words, we explore the content of partisan stereotypes and find that they come in three main flavors—parties as their own tribes, coalitions of other tribes, or vehicles for political issues. These different stereotypes influence partisan conflict: people who hold trait-based stereotypes tend to display the highest levels of polarization, while holding issue-based stereotypes decreases polarization. This finding suggests that reducing partisan conflict does not require downplaying partisan divisions but shifting the focus to political priorities rather than identity—a turn to what we call responsible partisanship.
Get access
Type
Element
Information
Online ISBN: 9781009086462
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication: 07 October 2021

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abrajano, M. & Hajnal, Z. L. (2017). White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Abramowitz, A. I. & Saunders, K. L. (2006). Exploring the Bases of Partisanship in the American Electorate: Social Identity vs. Ideology. Political Research Quarterly, 59(2), 175–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Abramowitz, A. I. & Saunders, K. L. (2008). Is Polarization a Myth? Journal of Politics, 70(2), 542–55.Google Scholar
Abramowitz, A. I. & Webster, S. (2016). The Rise of Negative Partisanship and the Nationalization of Elections in the 21st Century. Electoral Studies, 41, 1222.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Abrams, D. & Hogg, M. A. (1988). Comments on the Motivational Status of Self-Esteem in Social Identity and Intergroup Discrimination. European Journal of Social Psychology, 18(4), 317–34.Google Scholar
Achen, C. H. & Bartels, L. M. (2016). Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Ahler, D. J. (2014). Self-Fulfilling Misperceptions of Public Polarization. Journal of Politics, 76(3), 607–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ahler, D. J. & Broockman, D. E. (2018). The Delegate Paradox: Why Polarized Politicians Can Represent Citizens Best. Journal of Politics, 80(4), 1117–33.Google Scholar
Ahler, D. J. & Sood, G. (2018). The Parties in Our Heads: Misperceptions about Party Composition and Their Consequences. Journal of Politics, 80(3), 964–81.Google Scholar
Aldrich, J. H. (2011). Why Parties? A Second Look. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Allport, G. W. (1954). The Nature of Prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.Google Scholar
American Political Science Association (APSA) (1950). Summary of Conclusions and Proposals. American Political Science Review, 44(3, Part 2, Supplement), 114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Appel, M., Weber, S., & Kronberger, N. (2015). The Influence of Stereotype Threat on Immigrants: Review and Meta-Analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 6. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00900.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Ashmore, R. D. & Del Boca, F. K. (1981). Conceptual Approaches to Stereotypes and Stereotyping. In Hamilton, D. L., ed., Cognitive Processes in Stereotyping and Intergroup Behavior. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Google Scholar
Azari, J. (2016). Weak Parties and Strong Partisanship are a Bad Combination. Vox, November 3. www.vox.com/mischiefs-of-faction/2016/11/3/13512362/weak-parties-strong-partisanship-bad-combination.Google Scholar
Ballard, J. (2019). Fewer Than Half of Americans are Comfortable Dating Someone From the Opposite Political Party. YouGov, October 24. https://today.yougov.com/topics/relationships/articles-reports/2019/10/24/politics-beliefs-friends-partners-poll-survey.Google Scholar
Balz, D. (2019). Americans Hate All the Partisanship, But They’re Also More Partisan Than They Were. The Washington Post, October 26. www.washingtonpost.com/politics/americans-hate-all-the-partisanship-but-theyre-also-more-partisan-than-they-were/2019/10/26/e1f4abe2-f762-11e9-a285-882a8e386a96_story.html.Google Scholar
Banda, K. K. & Cluverius, J. (2018). Elite Polarization, Party Extremity, and Affective Polarization. Electoral Studies, 56, 90101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bankert, A. (2020). Negative and Positive Partisanship in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Political Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09599-1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bargh, J. A., Chen, M., & Burrows, L. (1996). Automaticity of Social Behavior: Direct Effects of Trait Construct and Stereotype Activation on Action. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7(2), 230–44.Google Scholar
Bauer, N. M. (2019). Gender Stereotyping in Political Decision Making. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.772.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bauer, N. M., Yong, L. H., & Krupnikov, Y. (2017). Who is Punished? Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise. Political Behavior, 39(2), 279300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baumer, D. C. & Gold, H. J. (1995). Party Images and the American Electorate. American Politics Quarterly, 23(1), 3361.Google Scholar
Baumer, D. C. & Gold, H. J. (2007). Party Images and Partisan Resurgence. The Social Science Journal, 44(3), 465–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berelson, B. R., Lazarsfeld, P. F., & McPhee, W. N. (1954). Voting. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Berinsky, A. J. & Mendelberg, T. (2005). The Indirect Effects of Discredited Stereotypes in Judgments of Jewish Leaders. American Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 845–64.Google Scholar
Biernat, M. (2003). Toward a Broader View of Social Stereotyping. American Psychologist, 58(12), 1019–27.Google Scholar
Bigler, R. S. & Liben, L. S. (2007). Developmental Intergroup Theory: Explaining and Reducing Children’s Social Stereotyping and Prejudice. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 16(3), 162–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bodenhausen, G. V. & Lichtenstein, M. (1987). Social Stereotypes and Information-Processing Strategies: The Impact of Task Complexity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52(5), 871–80.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bodenhausen, G. V. & Wyer, R. S. (1985). Effects of Stereotypes on Decision Making and Information-Processing Strategies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 48(2), 267–82.Google Scholar
Bordalo, P., Coffman, K., Gennaioli, N., & Shleifer, A. (2016). Stereotypes. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 141(4), 1753–94.Google Scholar
Brader, T., Tucker, J. A., & Therriault, A. (2014). Cross Pressure Scores: An Individual-Level Measure of Cumulative Partisan Pressures Arising from Social Group Memberships. Political Behavior, 36(1), 2351.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brandt, M. J. & Reyna, C. (2012). The Functions of Symbolic Racism. Social Justice Research, 25(1), 4160.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brandt, M. J. & Van Tongeren, D. R. (2017). People Both High and Low on Religious Fundamentalism Are Prejudiced Toward Dissimilar Groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 112(1), 7697.Google Scholar
Brewer, M. B. (1999). The Psychology of Prejudice: Ingroup Love and Outgroup Hate? Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 429–44.Google Scholar
Brewer, M. D. (2009). Party Images in the American Electorate. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Bullock, J. G. (2011). Elite Influence on Public Opinion in an Informed Electorate. American Political Science Review, 105(3), 496515.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Campbell, A., Converse, P. E., Miller, W. E., & Stokes, D. E. (1960). The American Voter. New York: Wiley.Google Scholar
Carmines, E. G. & Stimson, J. A. (1989). Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carsey, T. M. & Layman, G. C. (2006). Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate. American Journal of Political Science, 50(2), 464–77.Google Scholar
Cassese, E. C. (2019). Partisan Dehumanization in American Politics. Political Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09545-w.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cassese, E. C. & Holman, M. R. (2018). Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks. Political Behavior, 40(3), 785807.Google Scholar
Caughey, D., Dafoe, A., & Seawright, J. (2017). Nonparametric Combination (NPC): A Framework for Testing Elaborate Theories. Journal of Politics, 79(2), 688701.Google Scholar
Cesario, J., Plaks, J. E., & Higgins, E. T. (2006). Automatic Social Behavior as Motivated Preparation to Interact. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90(6), 893910.Google Scholar
Chambers, J. R., Baron, R. S., & Inman, M. L. (2006). Misperceptions in Intergroup Conflict: Disagreeing About What We Disagree About. Psychological Science, 17(1), 3845.Google Scholar
Chen, M. & Bargh, J. A. (1997). Nonconscious Behavioral Confirmation Processes: The Self-Fulfilling Consequences of Automatic Stereotype Activation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 33(5), 541–60.Google Scholar
Citrin, J., Wong, C., & Duff, B. (2001). The Meaning of American National Identity: Patterns of Ethnic Conflict and Consensus. In Ashmore, R. D., Jussim, L., & Wilder, D., eds., Social Identity, Intergroup Conflict, and Conflict Reduction. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 71100.Google Scholar
Claassen, R. L., Djupe, P. A., Lewis, A. R., & Neiheisel, J. R. (2021). Which Party Represents My Group? The Group Foundations of Partisan Choice and Polarization. Political Behavior 43(2): 615–36.Google Scholar
Clifford, S. (2020). Compassionate Democrats and Tough Republicans: How Ideology Shapes Partisan Stereotypes. Political Behavior, 42(4), 1269–93.Google Scholar
Collinson, S. (2021). Trump’s False Election Fraud Claims Face a Dead End in Congress. CNN, January 6. www.cnn.com/2021/01/06/politics/donald-trump-mike-pence-congress/index.html.Google Scholar
Conover, P. J. & Feldman, S. (1989). Candidate Perception in an Ambiguous World: Campaigns, Cues, and Inference Processes. American Journal of Political Science, 33(4), 912–40.Google Scholar
Converse, P. E. (1964). The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics. In Apter, D. E., ed., Ideology and Its Discontents. New York: Wiley, pp. 206–61.Google Scholar
Crawford, J. T., Jussim, L., Madon, S., Cain, T. R., & Stevens, S. T. (2011). The Use of Stereotypes and Individuating Information in Political Person Perception. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37(4), 529–42.Google Scholar
Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56(1), 518.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Devine, P. G. & Elliot, A. J. (1995). Are Racial Stereotypes Really Fading? The Princeton Trilogy Revisited. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21(11), 1139–50.Google Scholar
Dietrich, B. J. (2021). Using Motion Detection to Measure Social Polarization in the U.S. House of Representatives. Political Analysis, 29(2), 250–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Doyen, S., Klein, O., Pichon, C.-L., & Cleeremans, A. (2012). Behavioral Priming: It’s All in the Mind, but Whose Mind? PLoS ONE, 7, e29081.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Druckman, J. N. & Kam, C. D. (2011). Students as Experimental Participants: A Defense of the “Narrow Data Base.” In Druckman, J. N., Green, D. P., J. H. Kuklinski, J. H., & Lupia, A., eds., Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 4157.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N. & Levendusky, M. S. (2019). What Do We Measure When We Measure Affective Polarization? Public Opinion Quarterly, 83(1), 114–22.Google Scholar
Druckman, J. N., Peterson, E., & Rune Slothuus, R. (2013). How Elite Partisan Polarization Affects Public Opinion Formation. American Political Science Review, 107(1), 5779.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Duverger, M. (1963). Political Parties. New York: Wiley.Google Scholar
Eagly, A. H. & Mladinic, A. (1989). Gender Stereotypes and Attitudes toward Women and Men. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 15(4), 543–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Engelhardt, A. M. & Utych, S. M. (2018). Grand Old (Tailgate) Party? Partisan Discrimination in Apolitical Settings. Political Behavior, 42(3), 769–89.Google Scholar
Fiorina, M. P. & Abrams, S. J. (2008). Political Polarization in the American Public. Annual Review of Political Science, 11, 563–88.Google Scholar
Fiorina, M. P., Abrams, S. J., & Pope, J. C. (2005). Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America. New York: Pearson Longman.Google Scholar
Fiske, S. T., Cuddy, A. J. C., Glick, P., & Xu, J. (2002). A Model of (Often Mixed) Stereotype Content: Competence and Warmth Respectively Follow From Perceived Status and Competition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82(6), 878902.Google Scholar
Gaertner, S. L. & Dovidio, J. F. (2000). Reducing Intergroup Bias: The Common Ingroup Identity Model. Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press.Google Scholar
Gaertner, S. L., Mann, J., Murrell, A., & Dovidio, J. F. (1989). Reducing Intergroup Bias: The Benefits of Recategorization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57(2), 239–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Galinsky, A. D., Hall, E. V., & Cuddy, A. J. C. (2013). Gendered Races: Implications for Interracial Marriage, Leadership Selection, and Athletic Participation. Psychological Science, 24(4), 498506.Google Scholar
Galinsky, A. D. & Moskowitz, G. B. (2000). Perspective-Taking: Decreasing Stereotype Expression, Stereotype Accessibility, and In-Group Favoritism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(4), 708–24.Google Scholar
Geer, J. G. (1991). The Electorate’s Partisan Evaluations: Evidence of a Continuing Democratic Edge. Public Opinion Quarterly, 55(2), 218–31.Google Scholar
Gerring, J. (2012). Mere Description. British Journal of Political Science, 42(4), 721–46.Google Scholar
Gift, K. & Gift, T. (2015). Does Politics Influence Hiring? Evidence from a Randomized Experiment. Political Behavior, 37(3), 653–75.Google Scholar
Gilbert, G. M. (1951). Stereotype Persistence and Change among College Students. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 46(2), 245–54.Google Scholar
Goggin, S. N. & Theodoridis, A. G. (2017). Disputed Ownership: Parties, Issues, and Traits in the Minds of Voters. Political Behavior, 39(3), 675702.Google Scholar
Goren, P. (2013). On Voter Competence. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Graham, J., Nosek, B. A., & Haidt, J. (2012). The Moral Stereotypes of Liberals and Conservatives: Exaggeration of Differences across the Political Spectrum. PLoS ONE, 7, e50092.Google Scholar
Green, D., Palmquist, B., & Schickler, E. (2002). Partisan Hearts and Minds. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Green, J. C. & Herrnson, P. S. (eds.). (2003). Responsible Partisanship? The Evolution of American Political Parties Since 1950. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.Google Scholar
Greene, S. (1999). Understanding Party Identification: A Social Identity Approach. Political Psychology, 20(2), 393403.Google Scholar
Greene, S. (2004). Social Identity Theory and Party Identification. Social Science Quarterly, 85(1), 136–53.Google Scholar
Grimmer, J. & Stewart, B. M. (2013). Text as Data: The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts. Political Analysis, 21(3), 267–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grossmann, M. & Hopkins, D. A. (2016). Asymmetric Politics: Ideological Republicans and Group Interest Democrats. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Hamilton, D. L. & Sherman, S. J. (1996). Perceiving Persons and Groups. Psychological Review, 103(2), 336–55.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Harbridge, L., Malhotra, N., & Harrison, B. F. (2014). Public Preferences for Bipartisanship in the Policymaking Process. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 39(3), 327–55.Google Scholar
Harris, C. R., Coburn, N., Rohrer, D., & Pashler, H. (2013). Two Failures to Replicate High-Performance-Goal Priming Effects. PLoS ONE, 8, e72467.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Haslam, N., Rothschild, L., & Ernst, D. (2000). Essentialist Beliefs about Social Categories. British Journal of Social Psychology, 39(1), 113–27.Google Scholar
Hayes, D. (2005). Candidate Qualities through a Partisan Lens: A Theory of Trait Ownership. American Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 908–23.Google Scholar
Hetherington, M. J. (2001). Resurgent Mass Partisanship: The Role of Elite Polarization. American Political Science Review, 95(3), 619–31.Google Scholar
Hetherington, M. J. (2009). Putting Polarization in Perspective. British Journal of Political Science, 39(2), 413–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hetherington, M. J. & Weiler, J. D. (2009). Authoritarianism and Polarization in American Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A. (1992). The Social Psychology of Group Cohesiveness: From Attraction to Social Identity. New York: New York University Press.Google Scholar
Hogg, M. A. & Abrams, D. (1988). Social Identifications: A Social Psychology of Intergroup Relationships and Group Processes. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Hoskin, M. N. (2021). The Insurrection at the U.S. Capitol Showed America that White Americans should be Concerned for their Physical Safety Also. Forbes, January 30. www.forbes.com/sites/maiahoskin/2021/01/30/the-insurrection-at-the-us-capitol-showed-america-that-white-americans-should-be-concerned-for-their-physical-safety-also/?sh=449d5c33107c.Google Scholar
Howat, A. J. (2019). The Role of Value Perceptions in Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation. Politics, Groups, and Identities. https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2019.1629320.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huber, G. A. & Malhotra, N. (2017). Political Homophily in Social Relationships: Evidence from Online Dating Behavior. Journal of Politics, 79(1), 269–83.Google Scholar
Huddy, L. & Khatib, N. (2007). American Patriotism, National Identity, and Political Involvement. American Journal of Political Science, 51(1), 6377.Google Scholar
Huddy, L., Mason, L., & Aarøe, L. (2015). Expressive Partisanship: Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity. American Political Science Review, 109(1), 117.Google Scholar
Hutchings, V. L. & Valentino, N. A. (2004). The Centrality of Race in American Politics. Annual Review of Political Science, 7, 383408.Google Scholar
Inbar, Y. & Lammers, J. (2012). Political Diversity in Social and Personality Psychology. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 7(5), 496503.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S. (1996). Framing Responsibility for Political Issues. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 546(1), 5970.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S., Lelkes, Y., Levendusky, M., Malhotra, N., & Westwood, S. J. (2019). The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States. Annual Review of Political Science, 22, 129–46.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S., Sood, G., & Lelkes, Y. (2012). Affect, Not Ideology: A Social Identity Perspective on Polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 76(3), 405–31.Google Scholar
Iyengar, S. & Westwood, S. J. (2015). Fear and Loathing Across Party Lines: New Evidence on Group Polarization. American Journal of Political Science, 59(3), 690707.Google Scholar
Jackson, L. A., Lewandowski, D. A., Ingram, J. M., & Hodge, C. N. (1997). Group Stereotypes: Content, Gender Specificity, and Affect Associated with Typical Group Members. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 12(2), 381–97.Google Scholar
Josefson, J. (2000). An Exploration of the Stability of Partisan Stereotypes in the United States. Party Politics, 6(3), 285304.Google Scholar
Kang, S. K. & Bodenhausen, G. V. (2015). Multiple Identities in Social Perception and Interaction: Challenges and Opportunities. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 547–74.Google Scholar
Katz, D. & Braly, K. (1933). Racial Stereotypes of One Hundred College Students. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 28(3), 280–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kelly, J. (2014). “Why are Lattes Associated with Liberals?” BBC News, October 6. www.bbc.com/news/magazine–29449037.Google Scholar
Key, V. O. (1949). Southern Politics in State and Nation. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press.Google Scholar
Key, V. O. (1964). Parties, Politics, and Pressure Groups, 5th ed. New York: Crowell.Google Scholar
Kinder, D. R. & Kalmoe, N. P. (2017). Neither Liberal Nor Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
King, G., Keohane, R. O., & Verba, S. (1994). Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Klar, S. (2018). When Common Identities Decrease Trust: An Experimental Study of Partisan Women. American Journal of Political Science, 62(3), 610–22.Google Scholar
Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., & Ryan, J. B. (2018). Affective Polarization or Partisan Disdain? Untangling a Dislike for the Opposing Party from a Dislike of Partisanship. Public Opinion Quarterly, 82(2), 379–90.Google Scholar
Kreuzer, M. (2019). The Structure of Description: Evaluating Descriptive Inferences and Conceptualizations. Perspectives on Politics, 17(1), 122–39.Google Scholar
Kunda, Z. & Spencer, S. J. (2003). When Do Stereotypes Come to Mind and When Do They Color Judgment? A Goal-Based Theoretical Framework for Stereotype Activation and Application. Psychological Bulletin, 129(4), 522–44.Google Scholar
Kuziemko, I. & Washington, E. (2018). Why Did the Democrats Lose the South? Bringing New Data to an Old Debate. American Economic Review, 108(10), 2830–67.Google Scholar
Larimer, S. (2016). Why a Trump-Backing Tow Truck Driver Says He Refused Service to a Sanders Supporter. Washington Post, May 5. www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2016/05/05/why-a-trump-backing-tow-truck-driver-says-he-refused-service-to-a-sanders-supporter/.Google Scholar
Layman, G. C. & Carsey, T. M. (2002). Party Polarization and “Conflict Extension” in the American Electorate. American Journal of Political Science, 46(4), 786802.Google Scholar
Lee, F. E. (2009). Beyond Ideology: Politics, Principles, and Partisanship in the U.S. Senate. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Levay, K. E., Freese, J., & Druckman, J. N. (2016). The Demographic and Political Composition of Mechanical Turk Samples. SAGE Open, 6(1), 117.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. (2009). The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S. (2010). Clearer Cues, More Consistent Voters. Political Behavior, 32(1), 111–31.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S. (2018). Americans, Not Partisans: Can Priming American National Identity Reduce Affective Polarization? Journal of Politics, 80(1), 5970.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S., Druckman, J. N., & McLain, A. (2016). How Group Discussions Create Strong Attitudes and Strong Partisans. Research and Politics, April–June, 16.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S. & Malhotra, N. (2016a). Does Media Coverage of Partisan Polarization Affect Political Attitudes? Political Communication, 33(2), 283301.Google Scholar
Levendusky, M. S. & Malhotra, N. (2016b). (Mis)perceptions of Partisan Polarization in the American Public. Public Opinion Quarterly, 80(S1), 378–91.Google Scholar
Levy, S. R., Stroessner, S. J., & Dweck, C. S. (1998). Stereotype Formation and Endorsement: The Role of Implicit Theories. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(6), 1421–36.Google Scholar
Lippmann, W. (1922). Public Opinion. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company.Google Scholar
Lodge, M. & Hamill, R. (1986). A Partisan Schema for Political Information Processing. American Political Science Review, 80(2), 505–19.Google Scholar
Mackie, D. M., Hamilton, D. L., Susskind, J., & Rosselli, F. (1996). Social Psychological Foundations of Stereotype Formation. In Macrae, C. N., Stangor, C., & Hewstone, M., eds., Stereotypes and Stereotyping. New York: Guildford Press, pp. 4178.Google Scholar
Macrae, C. N. & Bodenhausen, G. V. (2000). Social Cognition: Thinking Categorically about Others. Annual Review of Psychology, 51, 93120.Google Scholar
Madon, S. (1997). What Do People Believe About Gay Males? A Study of Stereotype Content and Strength. Sex Roles, 37(9), 663–85.Google Scholar
Madon, S., Guyll, M., Aboufadel, K., Montiel, E., Smith, A., Palumbo, P., & Jussim, L. (2001). Ethnic and National Stereotypes: The Princeton Trilogy Revisited and Revised. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27(8), 9961010.Google Scholar
Martherus, J. L., Martinez, A. G., Piff, P. K., & Theodoridis, A. G. (2019). Party Animals? Extreme Partisan Polarization and Dehumanization. Political Behavior, 43(2), 517–40.Google Scholar
Mason, L. (2015). “I Disrespectfully Agree”: The Differential Effects of Partisan Sorting on Social and Issue Polarization. American Journal of Political Science, 59(1), 128–45.Google Scholar
Mason, L. (2016). A Cross-Cutting Calm: How Social Sorting Drives Affective Polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 80(S1), 351–77.Google Scholar
Mason, L. (2018). Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mason, L. & Wronski, J. (2018). One Tribe to Bind Them All: How Our Social Group Attachments Strengthen Partisanship. Advances in Political Psychology, 39(S1), 257–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matthews, D. R. & Prothro, J. W. (1966). The Concept of Party Image and Its Importance for the Southern Electorate. In Jennings, M. K. & Zeigler, L. H., eds.,eds., The Electoral Process. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, pp. 139–74.Google Scholar
McCarty, N. M., Poole, K. T., & Rosenthal, H. (2016). Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.Google Scholar
McConnell, C., Margalit, Y., Malhotra, N., & Levendusky, M. (2018). The Economic Consequences of Partisanship in a Polarized Era. American Journal of Political Science, 62(1), 518.Google Scholar
Moskowitz, G. B. (2010). On the Control Over Stereotype Activation and Stereotype Inhibition. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 4(2), 140–58.Google Scholar
Mullinix, K. J. (2016). Partisanship and Preference Formation: Competing Motivations, Elite Polarization, and Issue Importance. Political Behavior, 38(2), 383411.Google Scholar
Mullinix, K. J., Leeper, T. J., Druckman, J. N., & Freese, J. (2015). The Generalizability of Survey Experiments. Journal of Experimental Political Science, 2(2), 109–38.Google Scholar
Murphy, G. L. & Medin, D. L. (1985). The Role of Theories in Conceptual Coherence. Psychological Review, 92(3), 289316.Google Scholar
Mutz, D. C. (2002). The Consequences of Cross-Cutting Networks for Political Participation. American Journal of Political Science, 46(4), 838–55.Google Scholar
Mutz, D. C. & Rao, J. S. (2018). The Real Reason Liberals Drink Lattes. PS: Political Science and Politics, 51(4), 762–7.Google Scholar
Nelson, L. (2014). The Most Republican and Democratic Names, in Charts. Vox, November 17. www.vox.com/xpress/2014/11/17/7233961/baby-names-political-views.Google Scholar
Newport, F. (2018). Top Issues for Voters: Healthcare, Economy, Immigration. Gallup, November 2. https://news.gallup.com/poll/244367/top-issues-voters-healthcare-economy-immigration.aspx.Google Scholar
Nguyen, H.-H. D. & Ryan, A. M. (2008). Does Stereotype Threat Affect Test Performance of Minorities and Women? A Meta-Analysis of Experimental Evidence. Journal of Applied Psychology, 93(6), 1314–34.Google Scholar
Nicholson, S. P. (2012). Cues, Polarizing. American Journal of Political Science, 56(1), 5266.Google Scholar
Niemi, R. G. & Jennings, M. K. (1991). Issues and Inheritance in the Formation of Party Identification. American Journal of Political Science, 35(4), 970–88.Google Scholar
O’Kane, C. (2019). Ellen DeGeneres Explains Friendship with George W. Bush: “We’re All Different … That’s OK.” CBS News, October 8. www.cbsnews.com/news/ellen-degeneres-defends-george-w-bush-friendship-cowboys-game-tweets-monologue-2019–10-08/.Google Scholar
Oliver, J. E. & Wood, T. J. (2018). Enchanted America: How Intuition and Reason Divide Our Politics. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Orr, L. V. & Huber, G. A. (2019). The Policy Basis of Measured Partisan Animosity in the United States. American Journal of Political Science, 64(3), 569–86.Google Scholar
Parker, C. S. (2010). Symbolic versus Blind Patriotism: Distinction without Difference? Political Research Quarterly, 63(1), 97114.Google Scholar
Petrocik, J. R. (1996). Issue Ownership in Presidential Elections, with a 1980 Case Study. American Journal of Political Science, 40(3), 825–50.Google Scholar
Petrocik, J. R., Benoit, W. L., & Hansen, G. J. (2003). Issue Ownership and Presidential Campaigning, 1952–2000. Political Science Quarterly, 118(4), 599626.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2019). Partisan Antipathy: More Intense, More Personal. October 10. www.people-press.org/2019/10/10/partisan-antipathy-more-intense-more-personal.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2020). In Changing U.S. Electorate, Race and Education Remain Stark Dividing Lines. June 2. www.pewresearch.org/politics/2020/06/02/in-changing-u-s-electorate-race-and-education-remain-stark-dividing-lines/.Google Scholar
Pomper, G. M. & Weiner, M. D. (2002). Toward a More Responsible Two-Party Voter: The Evolving Bases of Partisanship. In Green, J. C. & Herrnson, P. S., eds., Responsible Partisanship? The Evolution of American Political Parties Since 1950. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, pp. 181200.Google Scholar
Pope, J. C. & Woon, J. (2009). Measuring Changes in American Party Reputations, 1939–2004. Political Research Quarterly, 62(4), 653–61.Google Scholar
Prior, M. (2013). Media and Political Polarization. Annual Review of Political Science, 16, 101–27.Google Scholar
Rahn, W. M. (1993). The Role of Partisan Stereotypes in Information Processing about Political Candidates. American Journal of Political Science, 37(2), 472–96.Google Scholar
Rahn, W. M. & Cramer, K. J. (1996). Activation and Application of Political Party Stereotypes: The Role of Television. Political Communication, 13(2), 195212.Google Scholar
Reuben, E., Sapienza, P., & Zingales, L. (2014). How Stereotypes Impair Women’s Careers in Science. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 111(12), 4403–8.Google Scholar
Roberts, M. E., Stewart, B. M., & Airoldi, E. M. (2016). A Model of Text for Experimentation in the Social Sciences. Journal of the American Statistical Association, 111(515), 9881003.Google Scholar
Roberts, M. E., Stewart, B. M., & Tingley, D. (2017). Stm: R Package for Structural Topic Models, Version 1.2.1. www.structuraltopicmodel.com.Google Scholar
Roberts, M. E., Stewart, B. M., Tingley, D., Lucas, C., Leder-Luis, J., Gadarian, S. K., Albertson, B., & Rand, D. G. (2014). Structural Topic Models for Open-Ended Survey Responses. American Journal of Political Science, 58(4), 1064–82.Google Scholar
Robison, J. (2020). Does Social Disagreement Attenuate Partisan Motivated Reasoning? A Test Case Concerning Economic Evaluations. British Journal of Political Science, 50(4), 1245–61.Google Scholar
Robison, J. & Moskowitz, R. L. (2019). The Group Basis of Affective Polarization. Journal of Politics, 81(3), 1075–9.Google Scholar
Robison, J. & Mullinix, K. J. (2016). Elite Polarization and Public Opinion: How Polarization Is Communicated and Its Effects. Political Communication, 33(2), 261–82.Google Scholar
Rogers, K. (2017). Roommates Wanted. Trump Supporters Need Not Apply. The New York Times, February 10. www.nytimes.com/2017/02/10/us/politics/roommates-trump-supporters.html.Google Scholar
Rogowski, J. C. & Sutherland, J. L. (2016). How Ideology Fuels Affective Polarization. Political Behavior, 38(2), 485508.Google Scholar
Roose, K. (2020). Shocked by Trump’s Loss, QAnon Struggles to Keep the Faith. The New York Times, November 10. www.nytimes.com/2020/11/10/technology/qanon-election-trump.html.Google Scholar
Rothschild, J. E., Howat, A. J., Shafranek, R. M., & Busby, E. C. (2019). Pigeonholing Partisans: Stereotypes of Party Supporters and Partisan Polarization. Political Behavior, 41(2), 423–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rudman, L. A. & Glick, P. (2001). Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes and Backlash Toward Agentic Women. Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), 743–62.Google Scholar
Sanders, A. (1988). The Meaning of Party Images. Political Research Quarterly, 41(3), 583–99.Google Scholar
Sassenberg, K. & Moskowitz, G. B. (2005). Don’t Stereotype, Think Different! Overcoming Automatic Stereotype Activation by Mindset Priming. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 41(5), 506–14.Google Scholar
Schaeffer, K. (2020). Far More Americans See “Very Strong” Partisan Conflicts Now than in the Last Two Presidential Election Years. Pew Research Center, 4 March. www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/03/04/far-more-americans-see-very-strong-partisan-conflicts-now-than-in-the-last-two-presidential-election-years/.Google Scholar
Schattschneider, E. E. (1942). Party Government. New York: Rinehart & Company.Google Scholar
Scherer, A. M., Windschitl, P. D., & Graham, J. (2015). An Ideological House of Mirrors Political Stereotypes as Exaggerations of Motivated Social Cognition Differences. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 6(2), 201–9.Google Scholar
Schildkraut, D. J. (2014). Boundaries of American Identity: Evolving Understandings of “Us”. Annual Review of Political Science, 17, 441–60.Google Scholar
Schlozman, D. & Rosenfeld, S. (2019). The Hollow Parties. In Lee, F. E. & McCarty, N., eds., Can America Govern Itself? New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 120–51.Google Scholar
Sellers, C. (1965). The Equilibrium Cycle in Two-Party Politics. Public Opinion Quarterly, 29(1), 1638.Google Scholar
Severson, A. W. (2018). Partisan Affiliation and the Evaluation of Non-Prototypical Candidates. Journal of Experimental Political Science, 5(2), 121–47.Google Scholar
Shafranek, R. M. (2021). Political Considerations in Nonpolitical Decisions: A Conjoint Analysis of Roommate Choice. Political Behavior, 43(1), 271300.Google Scholar
Shafranek, R. M. (2020). Political Consequences of Partisan Prejudice. Political Psychology, 41(1), 3551.Google Scholar
Sherman, J. W. (1996). Development and Mental Representation of Stereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70(6), 1126–41.Google Scholar
Sherman, J. W., Kruschke, J. K., Sherman, S. J., Percy, E. J., Petrocelli, J. V., & Conrey, F. R. (2009). Attentional Processes in Stereotype Formation: A Common Model for Category Accentuation and Illusory Correlation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 96(2), 305–23.Google Scholar
Simonovits, G., Kézdi, G., & Kardos, P. (2018). Seeing the World Through the Other’s Eye: An Online Intervention Reducing Ethnic Prejudice. American Political Science Review, 112(1), 186–93.Google Scholar
Sniderman, P. M., Hagendoorn, L., & Prior, M. (2004). Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities. American Political Science Review, 98(1), 3549.Google Scholar
Sniderman, P. M. & Stiglitz, E. H. (2012). The Reputational Premium: A Theory of Party Identification and Policy Reasoning. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Stangor, C. & Lange, J. E. (1994). Mental Representations of Social Groups: Advances in Understanding Stereotypes and Stereotyping. In Zanna, M. P., ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology Vol. 26. San Diego, CA: Academic Press, pp. 357416.Google Scholar
Stangor, C. & McMillan, D. (1992). Memory for Expectancy-Congruent and Expectancy-Incongruent Information: A Review of the Social and Social Development Literatures. Psychological Bulletin, 111(1), 4261.Google Scholar
Steele, C. M. (2011). Whistling Vivaldi: How Stereotypes Affect Us and What We Can Do. New York: W. W. Norton and Company.Google Scholar
Swanson, A. (2015). Chart: The Most Liberal and Conservative Jobs in America. The Washington Post, July 3. www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/06/03/why-your-flight-attendant-is-probably-a-democrat/.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. (1981). Human Groups and Social Categories: Studies in Social Psychology. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Tajfel, H. & Turner, J. C. (1979). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. In Austin, W. G., ed., The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations. Monterey, CA: BrookeCole, pp. 3347.Google Scholar
Theiss-Morse, E. (2009). Who Counts as an American? The Boundaries of National Identity. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Theodoridis, A. G. (2017). Me, Myself, and (I), (D), or (R)? Partisanship and Political Cognition through the Lens of Implicit Identity. Journal of Politics, 79(4), 1253–67.Google Scholar
Tine, M. & Gotlieb, R. (2013). Gender-, Race-, and Income-Based Stereotype Threat: The Effects of Multiple Stigmatized Aspects of Identity on Math Performance and Working Memory Function. Social Psychology of Education, 16(3), 353–76.Google Scholar
Todd, A. R., Bodenhausen, G. V., Richeson, J. A., & Galinsky, A. D. (2011). Perspective Taking Combats Automatic Expressions of Racial Bias. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 100(6), 1027–42.Google Scholar
Todd, A. R. & Galinsky, A. D. (2014). Perspective-Taking as a Strategy for Improving Intergroup Relations: Evidence, Mechanisms, and Qualifications. Journal of Analytical Psychology, 8(7), 374–87.Google Scholar
Todd, A. R., Galinsky, A. D., & Bodenhausen, G. V. (2012). Perspective Taking Undermines Stereotype Maintenance Processes: Evidence from Social Memory, Behavior Explanation, and Information Solicitation. Social Cognition, 30(1), 94108.Google Scholar
Trilling, R. J. (1976). Party Image and Electoral Behavior. New York: Wiley.Google Scholar
Labs, Verdant. (2015). Democratic vs. Republican Occupations. http://verdantlabs.com/politics_of_professions/.Google Scholar
Webster, S. & Abramowitz, A. I. (2017). The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization in the U.S. Electorate. American Politics Research, 45(4), 621–47.Google Scholar
Weingarten, E., Chen, Q., McAdams, M., Yi, J., Helper, J., & Albarracin, D. (2016). From Primed Concepts to Action: A Meta-Analysis of the Behavioral Effects of Incidentally Presented Words. Psychological Bulletin, 142(5), 472–97.Google Scholar
Weisberg, H. F. (2002). The Party in the Electorate as a Basis for More Responsible Parties. In Green, J. C., & Herrnson, P. S., eds., Responsible Partisanship? The Evolution of American Political Parties Since 1950. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.Google Scholar
Wetherell, G. A., Brandt, M. J., & Reyna, C. (2013). Discrimination Across the Ideological Divide: The Role of Value Violations and Abstract Values in Discrimination by Liberals and Conservatives. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 4(6), 658–67.Google Scholar
Wilson, C. (2016). Do You Eat Like a Republican or a Democrat? Time, July 18. https://time.com/4400706/republican-democrat-foods/.Google Scholar
Winter, N. J. G. (2010). Masculine Republicans and Feminine Democrats: Gender and Americans’ Explicit and Implicit Images of the Political Parties. Political Behavior, 32(4), 587618.Google Scholar
Wong, C. (2010). Boundaries of Obligation in American Politics: Geographic, National, and Racial Communities. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Yzerbyt, V., Rocher, S., & Schadron, G. (1997). Stereotypes as Explanations: A Subjective Essentialistic View of Group Perception. In Spears, R., Oakes, P. J. P. J., Ellemeres, N.N., & Haslam, S. A., eds., The Social Psychology of Stereotyping and Group Life. Cambridge: Blackwell, pp. 2050.Google Scholar
Zaller, J. R. (1992). The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar

Save element to Kindle

To save this element to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

The Partisan Next Door
Available formats
×

Save element to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

The Partisan Next Door
Available formats
×

Save element to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

The Partisan Next Door
Available formats
×