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Differences that Matter: the Struggle of the Marginalised in Somalia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2011

Abstract

Somalia has been without a government for the past thirteen years. After the ousting of Siyaad Barre in 1991 observers were left with the question why a promising, even democratic, society sharing the same ethnicity, one religion, a common language and a predominantly pastoral culture was overtaken by a devastating civil war. Analysts stressed the significance of kinship and clan politics in the maintenance of sustained conflict. They argued that Somalia's state collapse must be placed in a historical context taking into consideration the cultural heritage of Somali society and the legacy of the colonial past. The purpose of the article is twofold: first, it seeks to explore an alternative explanation for the breakdown of Barre's dictatorial regime; and second, to analyse the social consequences of political and economic exclusion that followed the state collapse. The paper argues that Somalia's state failure can be explained by the unjust distribution of new sources of wealth in postcolonial Somalia. This modernisation process was accompanied by violent clashes and continued insecurity. The breakdown of the former regime did not create a representative government. Instead, faction leaders fought for political supremacy at the cost of the lives of thousands of civilians. In the absence of a functioning government that could guarantee security and protection, clan loyalties gained importance. Clan affiliation became a condition of being spared from violence. Unjust distribution of pockets of wealth, such as the high‐potential agricultural land in the riverine areas in southern Somalia, led to localised clashes. It will be argued that horizontal inequalities, or inequalities between groups, are based on both material and imagined differences. Somali faction leaders use these differences instrumentally, to maintain and to exercise power. Irrespective of the existence of invisible and physical markers, it is important to understand what existing social boundaries mean to their participants. A localised clan conflict in Lower Shabelle between the Jido and the Jareer clan families illustrates the consequences of social and economic exclusion. Groups who felt excluded from economic and political life, such as the Jareer, took up arms. Violence became a means of being heard and taken seriously in the current Somali peace talks in Kenya.

Résumé

La Somalie est sans gouvernement depuis treize ans. Après le renversement de Siad Barré en 1991, les observateurs se sont retrouvés devant la question de savoir comment une société prometteuse, même démocratique, partageant une même ethnicité, une seule religion, une langue commune et une culture essentiellement pastorale a pu plonger dans une guerre civile dévastatrice. Les analystes ont souligné l'importance de la politique de parenté et de clans dans le maintien du conflit. Ils ont affirmé qu'il convenait de placer la chute de l'État somalien dans un contexte historique prenant en considération l'héritage culturel de la société somalienne et l'héritage du passé colonial. L'objectif de cet article est double: premièrement, il recherche une autre explication à la chute du régime dictatorial de Barré; deuxièmement, il cherche à analyser les conséquences sociales de l'exclusion politique et économique qui a suivi l'effondrement de l'État. Selon l'article, l'échec de l'État somalien peut s'expliquer par la distribution inégale de nouvelles sources de richesse en Somalie post-coloniale. Ce processus de modernisation s'est accompagné d'affrontements violents et d'une insécurité permanente. L'effondrement de l'ancien régime n'a pas créé de gouvernement représentatif. Au lieu de cela, les chefs de factions se sont battus pour la suprématie politique, au prix de milliers de morts civiles. En l'absence de gouvernement fonctionnel capable de garantir la sécurité et la protection, les loyautés claniques ont pris plus d'importance. L'affiliation à un clan est devenue une condition pour être épargné de la violence. Une distribution inégale de poches de richesse, comme les terres à fort potentiel agricole des régions fluviales du sud de la Somalie, a entraîné des conflits localisés. L'article poursuit en précisant que les inégalités horizontales, ou inégalités entre groupes, sont basées sur des différences concrètes et imaginées. Les chefs de factions somaliens instrumentalisent ces différences pour conserver et exercer le pouvoir. Indépendamment de l'existence de marqueurs invisibles et physiques, il est important de comprendre ce que signifient les frontières sociales existantes pour les participants. Une lutte de clan localisée dans le Bas-Shabelle entre les familles des clans Jido et Jareer illustre les conséquences de l'exclusion sociale et économique. Les groupes qui se sont sentis exclus de la vie économique et politique, comme les Jareer, ont pris les armes. La violence est devenue un moyen de se faire entendre et de se faire prendre au sérieux dans les discussions de paix pour la Somalie qui se déroulent actuellement au Kenya.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © International African Institute 2004

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