Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-vdxz6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-04T19:26:11.609Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Possible sources for the origin of gold as an economic and social vehicle for women in lamu (Kenya)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 December 2011

Extract

Lamu today is composed of several ethnic groups with an affinity for gold: the Afro-Arab old families who intermarried with the BuSaid ruling class from Oman and Zanzibar; Hadrami newcomers from southern Arabia; and the slaves of these groups, all of whom came from central Africa. In addition, there are Bohra Indians (only a few remain of the two hundred or so earlier in the century), two Parsees, and one remaining Ismaili family whose origins in India dictate a desire for gold. Other people, such as Bajuni, are now living in Lamu; but most are poor and the few who have gold are those who have gone to Mombasa or away to school, and then returned. Some of them have married into the heretofore closed ranks of the old Afro-Arab families precisely because they have made money or can be expected to, and will provide gold. There are numbers of other ethnic groups in Lamu, including Africans from the Kenya mainland across the bay from Lamu island. Land, not gold, is important to them. The people of concern here are mainly the Bohra Indians, Afro-Arabs, and the Hadramis – all of whom covet gold. Marriages in Lamu were arranged along ethnic, class, and family lines at least since the nineteenth century. Gold for brides was a necessity – especially for the upper-class Afro-Arab (mixtures of local Africans, African slaves, and Arab traders) families and among the various Indian groups (historically Hindu, Dauudi Bohra, Ithnasharia, Ismaili, and Goans) then living and trading there.

Résumé

Sources possibles de l'origine de l'or comme moyen économique et social pour les femmes à Lamu (Kenya)

A Lamu au Kenya, les femmes musulmanes qui en ont les moyens, se procurent et portent des bijoux d'or. C'est particulièrement vrai pour les femmes aristocrates afro-arabes, pour celles dont les origines récentes sont de Hadramaut, ainsi qu pour les quelques Indiennes Dauudi Bohra qui restent. Pour ces femmes, I'or constitue une sorte d'assurance: elles peuvent le vendre en cas de besoin et les mères transmettent leur or à leurs filles, non seulement pour afficher leur richesse, mais pour assurer leur prise en charge en case de divorce ou de décès de leurs maris. L'or était connu des Egyptiens et des Ethiopiens et plus au sud, des mines de Zimbabwe qui en faisaient commerce depuis des siècles. Eugenia Herbert nous raconte que, bien que l'or soit commercialisé dans ces régions, sa valeur en tant que bijou n'a été reconnue qu'apres qu'il ait été rapporté en Afrique par les marchands musulmans. Cet article retrace l'histoire de l'or en tant que moyen économicosocial des Dieux de l'Egypte et de l'lnde aux personnes royales et, plus tard, aux lndiens hindus. Les aventuriers musulmans en Inde ont découvert qu'on attachait tellement de valeur à l'or qu'on le thésaurisait comme on l'exposait dans les temples, on l'utilisait en pièces de monnaie et que les femmes et les hommes le portait. Parmi les Hindus, les bijoux d'or sont devenus une forme d'assurance-vie pour les femmes. La conversion à l'lslam, particulièrement parmi les Dauudi Bohra, n'a pas effacé les coutumes hindues. Comme l'illustre cet article, les marchands indiens ont propagé les aspects de leur culture, y compris l'orfèvrerie et l'acquisition de l'or comme forme de richesse en Arabie, en Oman et en Afrique orientate (ainsi que dans d'autres régions où les marchands indiens se sont installés). L'or en tant que moyen social et économique pour les femmes de Lamu tire ses origines de l'lnde hindue.

Type
Concentrating power in pre-colonial West Africa
Copyright
Copyright © International African Institute 1987

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Abercrombie, T. J. 1985. ‘Arabia's frankincense trail’, National Geographic, 168: 505–21.Google Scholar
Allen, J. W. T. 1981. Customs of the Swahili People. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Alpers, E. A. 1975. Ivory and Slaves. London: Heinemann.Google Scholar
Bader, C. 1925. Women in Ancient India: moral and literacy studies. London: Heinemann.Google Scholar
Boxer, C. R., and Azevedo, C. de. 1960. Fort Jesus and Portuguese in Mombasa. London: Hollis & Carter.Google Scholar
Bujra, J. 1968. ‘An Anthropological Study of Political Action in a Bajuni Village in Kenya’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London.Google Scholar
Chittick, N. 1963. ‘The “Shirazi” colonization of East Africa’, Journal of African History, VI: 3945.Google Scholar
Christie, J. 1876. Cholera Epidemics in East Africa. London: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Cooper, E. 1915. The Harim and Purdah. New York: Century.Google Scholar
Curtin, P. D. 1984. ‘Africa and the wider monetary world, 1250–1850’, in Richards, J. F. (ed.), Precious Metals in the later Medieval and early Modern Worlds, Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press.Google Scholar
Dening, G. 1986. ‘Possessing Tahiti’, Archaeology Oceania, 21: 103–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Esposito, J. L. 1982. Women in Muslim Family Law. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Guennec-Coppens, F. le. 1981. ‘Wedding Customs in Lamu’, Nairobi: Lamu Society.Google Scholar
Hall, M., and Ismail, B. A. 1981. Sisters under the Sun: the story of Sudanese women. London: Longman.Google Scholar
Hazelton, E. 1977. ‘Jawazi al-Malakin: settled Bedouin women’, in Fearnea, E. W. and Bezirgan, B. Q., Middle Eastern Women speak. Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Herbert, E. W. 1984. Red Gold of Africa: copper in precolonial history and culture. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press.Google Scholar
Horton, M. C. 1984. ‘Early Settlement of the East African Coast’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge University.Google Scholar
Horton, M. C. 1986. The Land of Zany, recent archaeological discoveries in East Africa', lecture delivered to the Society of Antiquaries of London, 17 April.Google Scholar
Lamabek, M. 1983. ‘Virgin marriage and the autonomy of women in Mayotte’, Signs, 9: 269–83.Google Scholar
Landen, R. G. 1967. Oman since 1856: disruptive modernization in North Yemen. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Makhlouf, C. 1979. Changing Veils: women and modernization in a traditional society. Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Martin, E. B., and , C. P. M. 1978. Cargoes of the East. London: Elm Tree.Google Scholar
Newitt, M. 1984. The Comoro Islands: struggle against dependency in the Indian Ocean world. Boulder: Westview Press.Google Scholar
Pastner, C. McC. 1980. ‘Access to property and the status of women in Islam’, in Smith, J. I. (ed.), Women in Contemporary Societies. Lewisburg: Bucknell Press.Google Scholar
Richards, J. F. 1984. ‘Outflows of precious metals in the later medieval and early modern worlds’, in Precious Metals in the later Medieval and early Modern Worlds. Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press.Google Scholar
Romero Curtin, P. 1984. ‘Generations of strangers: the Kore of Lamu’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 18: 455–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Romero Curtin, P. 1985. ‘Weddings in Lamu, Kenya: an example of social and economic change’, Cahiers d'études africaines, 94: 131–55.Google Scholar
Romero Curtin, P. 1986. ‘Lamu and suppression of the slave trade’, Slavery and Abolition, 7, 2: 148–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Romero, P. 1986. ‘Where have all the slaves gone? Emancipation and postemancipation in Lamu’, Journal of African History, 27: 497512.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Romero, P. (ed.). 1987. Life Histories of African Women. London: Ashfield Press.Google Scholar
Salvadore, C. 1983. Through open Doors: a view of Asian cultures in Kenya. Nairobi: privately printed.Google Scholar
Stigand, C. H. 1913. The Land of Zinj. London: Constable.Google Scholar
Vreede-de Stuers, C. 1985. Parda: a study of Muslim women lives in Northern India. New York: Humanities Press.Google Scholar
Wolf, E. R. 1951. ‘The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam’, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 7: 334361.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Woodsmall, R. F. 1936. Women in the Changing Islamic System. Delhi: BimlaGoogle Scholar