In a recent number of Africa (October i960) I showed that a number of Zande cultivated plants must have been borrowed from other peoples and that others were probably borrowed too. The points there emphasized were: firstly, that the agricultural economy of the Azande is derived from many different sources; secondly, that the Azande themselves see it that way; and thirdly, that in the past it must have been much simpler than in recent times, leading us to suppose that there has probably been a connexion between bionomic development and political development. I now turn to a consideration of certain arts and crafts to show further that it is not only in the cultivation of plants that Zande culture is a complex of borrowed elements, as the people themselves are a complex of peoples of different ethnic origins, but also in their material culture generally. I do not attempt to cover all of their material culture, only some parts of it for illustration and as an indication of the extent to which it has been taken over from peoples absorbed into the original Mbomu stock or from neighbouring peoples.

Institutions of bond-friendship as a form of voluntary association exist in many societies and, when viewed cross-tribally, they show considerable variation both in form and function.1 Even so, variations in the order of bond-friendship associations seem related to a common theme: namely, that there is an exchange of goods and/or services between parties to a ritual covenant that is reinforced by supernatural sanctions; and that protestations of mutual goodwill, together with calling for imprecations of evil to befall the individual who breaks the agreement, are elements which bind the covenant.

Lunsar is a town of some 10,000 people which has grown up since 1930 beside an open-cast iron-ore mine worked by the Sierra Leone Development Corporation (Delco) in the Marampa Chiefdom of the Northern Province, about sixty miles from Freetown. In the early days large numbers of unskilled workers were employed, but now the mine is highly mechanized. The ore is excavated and removed by mechanical scrapers and transported on a conveyor belt to a mill where most of the waste material is separated. It is then taken by conveyor belt to stockpiles and from there is mechanically loaded on to wagons.

Despite great linguistic and cultural diversity, sustained political relations among the many different groups of the Jos-Bauchi Plateau are a notably regular feature of this area of Northern Nigeria. That these relations are often expressed in a ritual context is an observation frequently made in the literature on the Plateau Pagans. My intention here is to specify some of the regular ways in which ritual paraphernalia may be manipulated for a variety of secular purposes (often political) among communities of such very different kinds as those of the Plateau mountain people and neighbouring plainsmen. These manipulative techniques appear to be important in the analysis of such widely different phenomena as the adoption of Islam, technological diffusion, the spread of art styles, and, more generally, the successful persistence, through time, of relations between societies of very different levels of complexity and organization. My data are drawn from field experience among Barawa mountain settlements and the Bankalawa–Jarawa plains communities of Dass Independent District, Bauchi Province, on the east-south-eastern slopes of the Plateau.

The languages dealt with in this paper are Bush ‘A’, ‘B’, ‘C’, and ‘D’, Kwadi, Hottentot, and about 20 Bantu language groups, comprising more than 50 distinct dialects. It is concerned with pre-Bantu history and the Bush, Kwadi, and Hottentot languages, but material on Bantu is included for the following reasons: (a) The information relevant to a discussion of the peopling of Southern Africa by Bantu-speaking peoples is scattered in the available literature or is not available at all, and, (b) Bantu traditional lore has something to say on the subject of pre-Bantu indigenous peoples of Southern Africa, and there must therefore be some evaluation of the relationship of modern and early Bantu languages and an attempt must be made to define their recent and early traditional language areas.