Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-18T08:26:11.181Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

“Poking Holes in the Sky”: Professor James Thaele, American Negroes, and Modernity in 1920s Segregationist South Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 May 2014

Abstract:

In 1920s South Africa, white segregationists justified accelerated racially discriminatory legislation by casting blacks as “uncivilized primitive natives” undeserving of full citizenship rights. Africans often countered this discourse by pointing to African Americans as proof of black capacities to modernize and as role models worthy of emulating in antisegregationist activity. Black South African leaders often associated themselves with African Americans to further legitimize their respective political activities. This article explores this phenomenon with the example of James Thaele, the American-educated president of the African National Congress (Cape Western Province), perhaps the most actively militant organization in the late 1920s. Previous scholars have viewed Thaele's flamboyant dress and hyperbolic language as evidence of a curious eccentric. Instead, we show that Thaele's dress and language were important performative tools that subverted, mocked, and reversed white modernity narratives that locked Africans into static “uncivilized native” categories. Black America was an indispensable aspect of Thaele's antisegregationist attacks. At historically black Lincoln University (Pennsylvania), he earned two degrees, attaining an educational level then unavailable in South Africa, and he became enamored of Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (U.N.I.A.). Upon his return to South Africa, Thaele legitimized his political organizing, public speeches, and writings by emphasizing his celebrated American background and pointing to the U.N.I.A. as a model for antisegregationist organizing in South Africa.

Résumé:

Résumé:

Dans l'Afrique du Sud des années 1920, les ségrégationnistes blancs justifièrent l'accélération de la législation de discrimination raciale en qualifiant les noirs d' “indigènes primitifs non-civilisés” ne méritant pas de droits civiques entiers. Les Africains ont souvent contré ce discours en citant les Africains Américains comme preuve de la compétence noire à se moderniser et comme modèles dignes d'être imités dans leurs activités antiségrégationnistes. Les dirigeants noirs sud-africains s'identifient souvent aux Africains Américains afin d'appuyer la légitimité de leurs activités politiques respectives. Cet article examine ce phénomène à l'aide de l'exemple de James Thaele, le président éduqué en Amérique du Congrès National Africain (Province de Cap Ouest), peut-être l'organisation militante la plus active à la fin des années 1920. Des chercheurs précédents ont vu dans les tenues extravagantes et le langage hyperbolique de Thaele la preuve d'une bizarre excentricité. Au lieu de cela, nous montrons que les tenues et le langage de Thaele étaient des outils performatifs importants qui subvertissaient, parodiaient et renversaient les discours blancs sur la modernité enfermant les Africains dans des catégories statiques d'“indigènes non civilisés.” L'Amérique noire était un aspect indispensable des attaques antiségrégationnistes de Thaele. A Lincoln University (PA), une université historiquement noire, il obtint deux “degrees,” atteignant ainsi un niveau d'éducation alors impossible à avoir en Afrique du Sud, et se passionna pour la Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA) de Marcus Garvey. A son retour en Afrique du Sud, Thaele légitimera son organisation politique, ses discours publics et écrits en mettant en valeur ses célèbres antécédents américains, et en attirant l'attention sur l'UNIA en tant que modèle de l'organisation antiségrégationniste en Afrique du Sud.

Type
Special Issue on the Diaspora
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2000

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

References

Archival Sources

Native Department Files (NTS) 7603, South African Archives, File 25/328: Commissioner of Police to Secretary for Native Affairs, October 2, 1930.Google Scholar
Native Department Files (NTS) 7603, South African Archives, File 25/328: H. C. Vrede to D. C. Bethlem, May 26, 1926.Google Scholar
Native Department Files (NTS) 7603, South African Archives, File 25/328: Statement, Native Sergeant Halele, February 21, 1926.Google Scholar
Native Department Files (NTS) 7603, South African Archives, File 25/328: Statement, C. Vermeulen, September 15, 1930.Google Scholar
Lincoln University Archives, Chester County, Pennsylvania: Henderson to Johnson, July 30, 1912.Google Scholar
Lincoln University Archives, Chester County, Pennsylvania: Catalogue, Lincoln University, 19211922.Google Scholar
Ashforth, Adam. 1990. The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Ashley, Michael. 1982. “Features of Modernity: Missionaries and Education in South Africa, 1850–1900.” Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 38.Google Scholar
Atkins, Keletso. 1996. “‘The Black Adantic Communication Network’: African American Sailors and the Cape of Good Hope Connection.” Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24 (2).Google Scholar
Azikiwe, Nnamdi. 1970. My Odyssey. London: C. Hurst and Co.Google Scholar
Beinart, William, and Dubow, Saul, eds. 1995. Segregation and Apartheid in Twentieth-Century South Africa. New York: Roudedge Press.Google Scholar
Benson, Mary. 1964. African Patriots: The Story of the African National Congress of South Africa. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Press.Google Scholar
Bethel, Leonard. 1975. “The Role of Lincoln University in the Education of African Leadership.” Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University.Google Scholar
Bhabha, Homi K. 1994. The Location of Culture. New York: Routledge Press.Google Scholar
Bond, Horace. 1976. Education for Freedom: A History of Lincoln University, Pennsylvania. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Bradford, Helen. 1988. A Taste of Freedom: The I.C.U. in Rural South Africa, 1924–1930. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Brandon, LaVerne. 1972. “Booker T. Washington and D. D. T. Jabavu: Interaction between an Afro-American and a Black South African.” Current Bibliography of African Affairs 5 (2): 509–18.Google Scholar
Branford, Jean. 1980. A Dictionary of South African English. Cape Town: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Campbell, James. 1995. Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Davis, Hunt Jr., 1975. “John L. Dube: A South African Exponent of Booker T. Washington.” Journal of African Studies 2: 497528.Google Scholar
Davis, Hunt Jr., 1978. “The Black American Education Component in African Responses to Colonialism in South Africa (ca. 1890–1914). Journal of Southern African Studies 3: 6583 Google Scholar
Dillard, J. L. 1973. Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States. New York: Random House.Google Scholar
Dubow, Saul. 1989. Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919–1936. New York: St. Martins Press.Google Scholar
Edgar, Robert R. 1976. “Garveyism in Africa: Dr. Wellington and the American Movement in the Transkei.” Ufahamu 6 (3): 3153.Google Scholar
Edgar, Robert R. 1992. An African American in South Africa: The TravelNotes of Ralph J. Bunche. Athens: Ohio University Press.Google Scholar
Fredrickson, George. 1981. White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Fyfe, Christopher. 1992. “Race, Empire and the Historians.” Race and Class 33 (4).Google Scholar
Hanchard, Michael. 1997. “Afro-Modernity: Race, Diaspora and Transnational Identity.” Paper presented at the conference, “Triangular Exchanges: Mapping the Atlantic World.”Google Scholar
Hebdige, Dick. 1979. Sub-Culture: The Meaning of Style. New York: Methuen.Google Scholar
Hill, Robert A. 1981. Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Hill, Robert A., and Pirio, Gregory A.. 1987. “Africa for the Africans: The Garvey Movement in South Africa, 1920–1940.” In Marks, Shula and Trapido, Stanley, eds., The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa. New York: Longman.Google Scholar
Hofmeyr, Jan. 1952. South Africa. New York: McGraw Hill.Google Scholar
Hofmeyr, Willie. 1985. “Agricultural Crisis and Rural Organisation in the Cape: 1929–1933.” M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town.Google Scholar
Keegan, Timothy. 1996. Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.Google Scholar
Keto, Clement. 1972. “Black Americans and South Africa, 1890–1910.” Current Bibliography of African Affairs 5.Google Scholar
Lewis, Gavin. 1987. Between the Wire and the Wall: A History of South African “Coloured” Politics. Cape Town: David Philip.Google Scholar
Mamdani, Mahmood. 1996. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Manicom, Linzi. 1992. “‘Ruling Relations’: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History.” Journal of African History 33: 441–65.Google Scholar
Martin, Tony. 1976. Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Hartford: Westport Press.Google Scholar
Martin, Tony. 1983. The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond. Dover, Mass.: The Majority Press.Google Scholar
Masilela, Ntongela. 1997. “The ‘Black Atlantic’ and African Modernity in South Africa.” Research in African Literatures 27 (4).Google Scholar
Masilela, Ntongela, ed. 1999. Black Modernity: Twentieth-Century Discourses between the United States and South Africa. Trenton: Africa World Press.Google Scholar
McCracken, J. L. 1967. The Cape Parliament, 1854–1910. Oxford: Clarendon.Google Scholar
Moeti, Moitsadi T. 1981. “Ethiopianism: Separatist Roots of African Nationalism in South Africa.” Ph.D. diss., Syracuse University.Google Scholar
Mulzac, Hugh. 1963. A Star to Steer by. New York: International Publishers.Google Scholar
Phillips, Ray. 1930. The Bantu Are Coming. New York: Richard R. Smith.Google Scholar
Pirow, Oswald. 1957. James Barry Munnik Hertzog. Cape Town: Howard Timmons.Google Scholar
Rich, Paul. 1984. White Power and the Liberal Conscience: Racial Segregation in South Africa and South African Liberalism, 1921–1960. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.Google Scholar
Rich, Paul. 1996. State Power and Black Politics, 1912–1951. New York: St. Martin's Press.Google Scholar
Shepherd, R. H. W. 1971. Lovedale, South Africa, 1824–1955. Lovedale: Lovedale University Press.Google Scholar
Smuts, Jan C. 1929. Africa and Some World Problems. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Stein, Judith. 1986. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press.Google Scholar
Stewart, James. 1894. Lovedale, South Africa. Edinburgh: David Bryce and Son.Google Scholar
Stewart, James. 1903. Dawn in the Dark Continent. Edinburgh: David Bryce and Son.Google Scholar
Switzer, Les. 1997. South Africa's Alternative Press: Voices of Protest and Resistance, 1880–1960. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Tolbert, Emory. 1980. The UNIA and Black Los Angeles: Ideology and Community in the American Garvey Movement. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Walshe, Peter. 1972. The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa: The African National Congress. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar