While the ostensible motivation for Spanish missionization in the Americas was religious conversion, missions were also critical to the expansion of European economic institutions in the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. Native American labor in mission contexts was recruited in support of broader programs of colonialism, mercantilism, and resource extraction. Archaeological research throughout North America demonstrates the importance and extent of the integration of Native labor into regional colonial economies. Animals and animal products were often important commodities within colonialperiod regional exchange networks and thus, zooarchaeological data can be crucial to the reconstruction of local economic practices that linked Native labor to larger-scale economic processes. Zooarchaeological remains from two Spanish missions—one in southern Arizona and one in northern Sonora—demonstrate that Native labor supported broader colonial economic processes through the production of animal products such as tallow and hide. Tallow rendered at Mission San Agustín de Tucson and Mission Nuestra Señora del Pilar y Santiago de Cocóspera was vital for mining activities in the region, which served as an important wealth base for the continued development of Spanish colonialism in the Americas. This research also demonstrates continuity in rendering practices over millennia of human history, and across diverse geographical regions, permitting formalization of a set of expectations for identifying tallow-rendered assemblages, regardless of context.

Reconstructions of the Paleoindian period are archaeology's origin stories about the native people of North America. These reconstructions have strongly emphasized great differences between recent and ancient Native Americans, echoing a perspective with its roots in the nineteenth century. One central component of the differences archaeologists have seen lies in the way that Paleoindian groups moved across the landscape. Particularly on the Great Plains, these movements have been seen as unpredictable and nonrepetitive, with this view founded largely in interpretations of evidence from large bison kills. This paper compares the overall patterns of post-Clovis Paleoindian and post-Paleoindian communal bison hunting on the Plains, arguing that there is no evidence of rapid or substantial change in such hunting at the end of the Paleoindian period. Although hunting practices did not remain exactly the same over time, most of the basic characteristics of Paleoindian hunting were common on the Plains for millennia. Only the northern Plains stands out from this, and it does so only within the last 2,000 to 3,000 years, probably in reaction to the development of continent-wide exchange networks. Paleoindians certainly lived different lives than did later occupants of the Great Plains, but the literature significantly exaggerates the magnitude of this difference.

In Early Woodland times, the creation of vast interaction spheres resulted in the widespread circulation of various objects and raw materials across northeastern North America. In this article, I discuss the contexts and spatial distribution of Meadowood trade items from over 240 archaeological sites. Traditionally viewed by William A. Ritchie as cult-related items, Meadowood artifacts have subsequently been interpreted as participating in a risk-buffering strategy. Alternatively, I present arguments supporting the role of Meadowood artifacts as part of a strategy used by a few individuals or corporate groups to increase their status through privilege access to rare and highly valued goods. Socially valued goods can be used in multiple ways and documenting this complexity is a prerequisite to understanding the mechanisms underlying the circulation of goods within the Meadowood Interaction Sphere, the structure of the network, and the incentives of the participating groups. This article stresses the need to move beyond the dichotomy between utilitarian/subsistence-related goods and non-utilitarian/ritual artifacts.

Based on geological and stylistic evidence, we argue that stone palettes found at Etowah were made locally from nearby raw materials. We also show that they were wrapped in textiles and kept in bundles, i.e., that they were objects used in ritual. Etowah palettes were used as portable altars, perhaps in ceremonies that involved anointing other objects with colorful (and spiritually powerful) substances. The realization that palettes were bundled ritual gear should cause us to rethink common assumptions that such objects moved from site to site by means of "trade," or that they functioned as "prestige goods" in the sense of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978).

The distribution of Clovis projectile points across North America demonstrates distinct spatial patterning that has the potential to inform on many aspects of the colonization process. However, before accurate inferences regarding prehistoric behavior can be drawn from projectile point distributional databases, it is necessary to account for biases potentially affecting point visibility. Using county-level data for a sample of states from the western and southeastern U.S., this paper demonstrates that Clovis projectile point distribution is significantly related to modern population density, cultivated acreage, intensity of archaeological research, and measures of environmental productivity. Interpreting Clovis projectile point distribution is therefore more complex than frequently assumed.

The Shawnee-Minisink site is well known for yielding fish and plant remains from Clovis contexts. New investigations at Shawnee-Minisink have provided a sample of macrobotanical remains for comparison with the ten plant species previously recovered at the site. In this paper, I reevaluate the subsistence remains recovered during the 1970s excavations by American University and conclude that a limited number of plants were actually exploited by the site's occupants. The new macrobotantical remains from Shawnee-Minisink have provided a series of AMS dates, which offer the most precise age estimate for Clovis in the Northeast and provide an alternative interpretation concerning the role plants played in the subsistence practices of early Paleoindians. The subsistence evidence from Shawnee-Minisink shows variation in diet, but a difference that should be expected at large habitation sites.

Sewall Wright's (1943) concept of isolation by distance is as germane to cultural transmission as genetic transmission. Yet there has been little research on how the spatial scale of social learning—the geographic extent of cultural transmission—affects cultural diversity. Here, we employ agent-based simulation to study how the spatial scale of unbiased social learning affects selectively neutral cultural diversity over a range of population sizes and densities. We show that highly localized unbiased cultural transmission may be easily confused with a form of biased cultural transmission, especially in low-density populations. Our results have important implications for how archaeologists infer mechanisms of cultural transmission from diversity estimates that depart from the expectations of neutral theory.

A basic problem in archaeological research is determining site size and structure. In this paper we develop an approach that sequentially employs several survey techniques, including aerial photography, magnetic gradiometry, magnetic susceptibility, and shovel testing in the context of the Wildcat site (33My499), a Fort Ancient habitation site located near Dayton, Ohio. Defining site size and structure was a challenge at Wildcat since it is located in an agricultural field that has not been plowed for many years. Magnetic susceptibility and close-interval shovel testing worked well to define the basic site structure, and magnetic gradiometry and targeted magnetic anomaly excavations efficiently revealed a series of features. Alone, each of the methods produced somewhat misleading data regarding site size and structure, but together they revealed a much smaller site than originally anticipated.

Stephen Silliman's article in American Antiquity (74:211-230) addresses a key issue that has been in quiet circulation for some time, examining the connections between archaeological data, traditional persistence, and postcolonial ways of understanding diachronic variability. This is a fundamental problem not only for archaeology but for American social scientists researching colonialism and traditional cultures (Alfred 1995; Harrod 1995; Stover 2001). Silliman orients his understanding of historic Eastern Pequot settlement through the lens of a theoretical approach to memory and practice as has been taken up in archaeological circles by a number of practitioners (cf. Silliman 2009:213). He acknowledges the existence of other perspectives, not least that of past Native people themselves, but the article focuses primarily on the application of current thinking on these topics of identity.

Giovanna Vitelli (this volume) offers interesting perspectives on the archaeological study of Indigenous people in colonial contexts. She does so through a commentary on my recently published (Silliman 2009) article in which I outlined a perspective on practice and memory that has helped me interpret the ways that Indigenous communities can persist between the dichotomies of change and continuity. I offer here some clarifications and engagements with her comments.