¹ See “Clerical Socialist,” Living Age, Vol. 313, p. 374 (May 13, 1922).

² Reckitt, Maurice B., “Christian Socialism,” in The Encyclopedia of Social Science, Vol. 3, p. 451.Google Scholar

³ The Non Expedit was issued as a protest against the occupation of Rome and interference with papal rights.

⁴ Sturze, Luigi, “My Political Vocation,” Commonweal, Vol. 34, p. 557 (Sept. 26, 1941).Google Scholar

⁵ The essence of the modernist movement in the Catholic Church has been defined as a “desire to reach a reconciliation of faith with ‘Science’ and Democracy.” Pareto, Vilfredo, The Mind and Society, Vol. 3, “Sentiment in Thinking [Theory of Deviations]” (New York, 1935), par. 1630.Google Scholar The modernists wished to divorce the Church from its association with oligarchies and aristocrats and merge it with democracy. See Rev. Fr.Tyrell, George, English translation in The Programme of Modernism (New York, 1908), pp. 127–129.Google Scholar

⁶ “Don Sturzo: The Mystery Man of Italian Politics,” Current Opinion, Vol. 72, p. 617 (May 1922).

⁷ Quoted in ibid., p. 616.

⁸ See Salvemini, Gaetano and Piana, George La, What to Do with Italy (New York, 1943), p. 171.Google Scholar

⁹ Sturzo, Luigi, Italy and Fascismo (New York, 1926), p. 97.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The Socialist party, with 154 seats, formed the largest bloc.

¹¹ Finer, Herman, Mussolini's Italy (New York, 1935), p. 135.Google Scholar

¹² Salvemini and La Piana feel that the Popular party lost a unique opportunity because, outside of Sturzo, it had no capable leaders. What to Do with Italy, p. 172.

¹³ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Italian Popular Party,” Contemporary Review, Vol. 129, p. 732 (June, 1926).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Encyclopedia Italiana (Rome, 1937), Vol. 34, p. 500. See also Sturzo, Luigi, “The Church and Democracy and Salvemini-La Piana, America, Vol. 70, p. 118 (Nov. 6, 1943).Google Scholar For an account of Sturzo's willingness to collaborate with Turati, see Sforza, Carlo, Contemporary Italy (New York, 1944), p. 253.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Professor Salvemini defends Sturzo's assertion that bolshevism had been overcome two years before 1922 after the occupation of the factories. See Salvemini, Gaetano, The Fascist Dictatorship (London, 1928), p. 159.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Villari, Luigi, in Encyclopedia Britannica (14th ed., New York, 1929), Vol. 21, p. 487.Google Scholar See also Romulus, , “Why is Don Sturzo in America?,” Christian Century, Vol. 58, p. 85 (Jan. 15, 1941).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Sturzo, , Italy and Fascismo, p. 137.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Salvemini, and La Piana, , What to Do with Italy, p. 85.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Roman Question,” Review of Politics, Vol. 5, p. 496 (Oct., 1943).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ London Times, March 3, 1922, p. 11.

²¹ Salvemini, and La Piana, , What to Do with Italy, op. cit., pp. 170–171.Google Scholar

²² Sturzo, Luigi, “Corporationism: Christian, Social, and Fascist,” Catholic World, Vol. 145, pp. 398–399 (July, 1937).Google Scholar

²³ Sturzo, Luigi, Church and State (New York, 1939), p. 479.Google Scholar

²⁴ Sturzo, “Corporationism; Christian, Social, and Fascist,” p. 399.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Encyclical: Rerum Novarum (Rome, 1891)Google Scholar, English translation in The Great Encyclical Letters of Pope Leo XIII, edited by Wynne, J. J. (3rd ed., New York, 1903), pp. 208–248.Google Scholar The principles of Rerum Novarum have been ably summarized by Henry De Man as placing “emphasis upon individual human personality, but rejection of the economic liberalism of the capitalist régime, which … sacrifices the welfare of the workers to the profits of a few; belief in the necessity of social classes, but denial of the Marxian conclusion that their existence entails class struggle; insistence that labor unionism should be non-socialistic, and a declaration of the universal need for associations and for harmonizing divergent interests according to Christian ethics.” See “Christian Labor Unions,” in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, p. 444.

²⁷ Sturzo, “My Political Vocation,” loc. cit., p. 537.

²⁸ Sturzo, Luigi, “Possession and Power,” Catholic World, Vol. 148, p. 290 (December, 1938).Google Scholar

²⁹ Sturzo, “Corporationism; Christian, Social, and Fascist,” p. 397.

³⁰ In 1918, the Confederazione italiana dei Lavoratori was organized under the leadership of Don Sturzo. “This Confederation formed the so-called ‘triple white alliance, with coöperatives and the mutual insurance societies, thus forming a centrist syndicalism…” Schneider, Herbert W., The Fascist Government of Italy (New York, 1939), p. 28.Google Scholar

³¹ Quoted in Austin, F. B., “Black Shirt and Black Cassock,” Fortnightly Review, Vol. 119, p. 212 (Feb., 1923).Google Scholar

³² Luigi Sturzo, “The Italian Popular Party,” p. 732.

³³ The Popular party had a large following in the south, where the Christian labor unions were strong; Sturzo reports that the membership of the unions totaled 1,200,000. See Sturzo, “The Church and Democracy and Salvemini-La Piana,” p. 118.

³⁴ See Quinn, Patrick F., “Agrarianism and the Jeffersonian Philosophy,” Review of Politics, Vol. 4, p. 87 (Jan., 1942).Google Scholar

³⁵ Wilson, Francis, “On Jeffersonian Tradition,” Review of Politics, Vol. 5, p. 320 (July, 1943).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Parrington, Vernon L., The Colonial Mind, 1620–1800 (New York, 1927), p. 351.Google Scholar

³⁶ Sturzo, , Italy and Fascismo, p. 97.Google Scholar

³⁷ Finer, Herman, “The Case for Local Self-Government,” Public Administration Review, Vol. 3, p. 58 (Winter 1943).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ “Don Sturzo: The Mystery Man of Italian Politics,” p. 616.

³⁹ Quoted in ibid., p. 617.

⁴⁰ Borgese, G. A., “Don Sturzo's Liberal Catholicism” (book review of Sturzo's Church and State), Nation, Vol. 150, p. 544 (April 27, 1940).Google Scholar

⁴¹ New York Times, Dec. 2, 1943, p. 26.

⁴² Sturzo, “The Church and Democracy and Salvemini-La Piana,” p. 119.

⁴³ Salvemini and La Piana state that “Don Sturzo made an honest effort to maintain the autonomy of his party, but he was forced to yield at times to ecclesi astical pressure…” (What to Do with Italy, p. 173). The author of the present article disagrees with this conclusion and submits that, on the contrary, Sturzo personally did not succumb to ecclesiastical pressure, even when his actions in curred the displeasure of the Vatican, as long as he headed the Popular party.

⁴⁴ Collins, Joseph, “Don Sturzo, the New Savonarola,” New York Times, May 7, 1922, p. 9.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Marshall, Charles C., “An Open Letter to Governor Smith,” Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 139, pp. 540–549, Apr., 1927.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ “Catholic and Patriot: Governor Smith Replies,” Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 139, p. 728 (May, 1937).

⁴⁷ See Stone, Irving, They Also Ban (New York, 1943), p. 300.Google Scholar “But the public was more interested in Smith's personal statement; the fact that his cabinet at Albany consisted of two Catholics, thirteen Protestants, and one Jew, that his closest associate was ‘a Protestant, a Republican and a 32-degree Mason,’ that never in his eighteen years of office had any member of his Church attempted to influence his administration, or asked him to show special favor to Catholics or to discriminate against non-Catholics.”

⁴⁸ Sturzo, “The Church and Democracy and Salvemini-La Piana,” p. 117.

⁴⁹ Sturzo, “The Roman Question,” loc. cit., p. 502.

⁵⁰ Ibid., p. 498.

⁵¹ Ibid., p. 503.

⁵² See Salvemini, Gaetano, “Pius XII and Fascism,” New Republic, Vol. 109, pp. 305–309 (Mar., 8 1943).Google Scholar

⁵³ Sturzo, “The Church and Democracy and Salvemini-La Piana,” p. 120.

⁵⁴ Ibid.

⁵⁵ Ibid.

⁵⁶ Italics mine.

⁵⁷ Sturzo, “The Roman Question,” p. 503.

⁵⁸ Ibid., p. 504.

⁵⁹ Compare Sturzo's attitude with the similar conclusion recently expressed by Sherman S. Hayden in Foreign Policy Reports. “Since, however, the Church does not attempt to regulate conduct outside certain defined spheres, and since most individuals rarely find themselves in conflict with the Church in those fields which it does claim for its own, it would seem possible, as a practical matter, for an individual to be both Catholic and democratic.” “Foreign Policy of the Vatican,” Vol. 19, p. 279 (Jan. 15, 1944).

⁶⁰ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Right of Resistance to the State,” Contemporary Review, Vol. 134, p. 318 (Sept., 1928).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid., p. 320.

⁶² Thus he did not approve of the armed revolt in Ireland from 1916 to 1921, even though “our sympathies as Catholics and free men supported their claims.” Sturzo, Luigi, “The Eight to Rebel,” Dublin Review, Vol. 201, p. 37 (July, 1937).Google Scholar

⁶³ Sturzo, Luigi, “Wars and Catholic Thought,” Review of Politics, Vol. 3, p. 164 (Apr., 1941).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid.

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 167.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 171.

⁶⁷ For a fair and dispassionate analysis, see Hayden, “Foreign Policy of the Vatican,” loc. cit., p. 282. “A somewhat uncritical sympathy with the old régime in Spain, and a very genuine sorrow for the sufferings of the faithful combined with detestation of Communism to blind the Pope to any mitigating factors…. He appears to have convinced himself completely that here was a clear case of conflict between the Church and its enemies.”

⁶⁸ Sturzo, , Church and State, p. 554.Google Scholar “A certain criticism is not unfounded,” he writes, “but it is too general….”

⁶⁹ Ibid., p. 506.

⁷⁰ Ibid., p. 555.

⁷¹ Sturzo, Luigi, “Authority and Democracy,” Dublin Review, Vol. 209–210, p. 163 (Apr., 1942).Google Scholar

⁷² Sturzo, Luigi, “Politique et Théologie Morale,” in Les Guerre Modernes et la Pensée Catholique (Montreal, 1942), pp. 132, 157.Google Scholar Reprinted from the Nouvelle Revue Théologique (Paris, Sept.-Oct., 1938).

⁷³ Ibid., p. 160. Italics mine.

⁷⁴ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Modern Conscience and the Right of War,” Hibbert Journal, Vol. 25, p. 587 (July, 1927).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Sturzo, Luigi, “Italy after Mussolini,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 21, p. 424 (Apr., 1943).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid.

⁷⁷ Sturzo's good judgment in “dissecting” Italian problems in an article appearing in Foreign Affairs (Apr., 1943) is given extensive treatment by Salvemini and La Piana. See What to Do with Italy, pp. 218–220.

⁷⁸ Sturzo, “Italy after Mussolini,” p. 424.

⁷⁹ “If the monarchy had been with them [those opposed to Mussolini], Fascism would have fallen before the Matteotti crime…” writes Sturzo. “If he [Victor Emmanuel] had dared, three fourths of the nation, at least, would have been on his side.” Sturzo, Luigi, “Italian Problems in War and Peace,” Review of Politics, Jan., 1943, p. 68.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Future Regime of Italy,” New Europe, Vol. 3, p. 25 (Sept., 1943).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Sturzo, “Italy after Mussolini,” p. 421. Currently he is urging the left wing of the reconstituted Christian Democratic party to take a republican position. See New York Times, July 15, 1944.

⁸² Sturzo, “The Future Régime of Italy,” loc. cit., p. 25.

⁸³ Sturzo, “The Roman Question,” p. 505.

⁸⁴ Sturzo, Luigi, “The Coming League,” Commonweal, Vol. 37, p. 488 (Mar. 5, 1943).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Sturzo, , “Politique et Théologie Morale,” in Les guerre modernes et la pensée Catholique, p. 163.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Sturzo, “The Coming League,” loc. cit., p. 488.

⁸⁷ Ibid., p. 489.

⁸⁸ Ibid., p. 490.

⁸⁹ Quoted in Adamic, Louis, “Death in Front of the Church,” Harper's Magazine, Vol. 187, p. 375 (Sept., 1943).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Maritain, Jacques, “Christian Humanism,” Fortune, Vol. 25, p. 168 (Apr., 1942).Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Camberlin, William Henry, “Canada Swings to the Left,” Harper's Magazine, Vol. 187 (Dec., 1943).Google Scholar “The recent decision of the Canadian Catholic hierarchy that there is no moral objection to Catholic support of the C.C.F. [Coöperative Commonwealth Federation] is of obvious benefit where more than forty per cent of the people belong to this faith.” See also report of Daniel De Luce, Associated Press correspondent, on the Coöperation of Catholic priests and Partisans in Yugoslavia, , Baltimore Sun, Oct. 8, 1943, p. 1.Google Scholar