Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-q99xh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T01:52:54.308Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Fajitas and the Failure of Refrigerated Meatpacking in Mexico: Consumer Culture and Porfirian Capitalism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Jeffrey M. Pilcher*
Affiliation:
The Citadel, Charleston, South Carolina

Extract

Tourists who visit a Mexican market to observe a butcher at work will readily notice the difference between the material cultures of meat in Mexico and the United States. Instead of thick, neatly cut steaks, wrapped in clear plastic, they will find butterflied strips of meat, corresponding to no known part of a cow, sawed with ragged edges but remarkable thinness, and hung on hooks and rods. Thick slabs called suadero might be steak except for the checkerboards carved across the front, and seemingly random chunks of retazo complete the baroque display of craftsmanship. Although of little use in making Anglo-American roasts or steaks, these cuts are ideal for such delicacies as carne asada (grilled meat) and mole de olla (chili pepper stew). Indeed, fajitas—skirt steak pounded thin and marinated, then seared quickly on a hot fire, and served with salsa and fresh tortillas— are nothing more than a Tex-Mex version of the standard method of cooking and eating beef in Mexico. Moreover, the differences between U.S. supermarket meat counters and Mexican artisanal market displays extend beyond national culinary preferences to reflect the historical growth of industrial supply chains. Indeed, meat provides a case study demonstrating the significance of consumer culture in shaping the development of Mexican capitalism during the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911).

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2004

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Chevalier, François, Land and Society in Colonial Mexico: The Great Hacienda, ed. Simpson, Lesley Byrd, trans. Eustis, Alvin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Crosby, Alfred W. Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,1972)Google Scholar; Melville, Elinor, A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Super, John C., Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), pp. 5557.Google Scholar

2 The 1817 estimate, by Veracruz Consulado Secretary José María Quirós, was cited by Nils Jacobsen, “Livestock Complexes in Late Colonial Peru and New Spain: An Attempt at Comparison,” in Jacobsen, Nils and Puhle, Hans-Jürgen, eds., The Economies of Mexico and Peru During the Late Colonial Period, 1760–1810 (Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, 1986), p. 113.Google Scholar

3 Super, , Food, Conquest, and Colonization, p. 31.Google Scholar

4 Cronon, William, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991)Google Scholar; Richelet, Juan E., La ganadería argentina y su comercio de carnes (Buenos Aires: J. Lajouane & Cía, 1928).Google Scholar

5 Wasserman, Mark, Capitalists, Caciques, and Revolution: The Native Elite and Foreign Enterprise in Chihuahua, Mexico, 1854–1911 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), pp. 5859 Google Scholar; Sanderson, Steven A., The Transformation of Mexican Agriculture: International Structure and the Politics of Rural Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Horowitz, Roger, “Meat” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press Google Scholar, forthcoming).

7 Of the vast literature on colonial livestock, see in particular Barrett, Ward, “The Meat Supply of Colonial Cuernavaca,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 64, no. 4 (December 1974): 525–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bazant, Jan, Cinco haciendas mexicanas: Tres sighs de vida rural en San Luis Potosí (16001910) (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1975)Google Scholar; Harris, Charles H., III, A Mexican Family Empire: The Latifundio of the Sánchez Navarros, 1765–1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975)Google Scholar; Brading, D.A., Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajío, León, 1700–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Konrad, Herman, A Jesuit Hacienda in Colonial Mexico: Santa Lucia, 1576–1767 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Young, Eric Van, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-Century Mexico: The Rural Economy of the Guadalajara Region, 1675–1820 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Thompson, Guy P.C., Puebla de los Angeles: Industry and Society in a Mexican City, 1700–1850 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989).Google Scholar On the rise of rancheros, see Brading, D. A., Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajío. León, 1700–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978).Google Scholar

8 Rouse, John E., The Criollo: Spanish Cattle in the Americas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1977).Google Scholar

9 Rosado, Diego López, Historia y pensamiento económico de México, 6 vols. (Mexico: UNAM, 1968), 1:116–17Google Scholar; Kraeger, Karl, Agricultura y colonización en México en 1900, trans. Lewin, Pedro and Dohrmann, Gudrun (Chapingo: Universidad Autónoma de Chapingo, 1986), p. 301 Google Scholar; Sánchez, Cuauhtémoc Esparza, Historia de la ganadería en Zacatecas, 1531–1911 (Zacatecas: Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, 1988), p. 68.Google Scholar

10 Schyer, Frans J., Ethnicity and Class Conflict in Rural Mexico (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 8183,Google Scholar 102; Silva, Luis Cossío, “La ganadería,” in El porfiriato: La vida económica, vol. 7 Google Scholar of Villegas, Daniel Cosío (ed.), Historia moderna de México (Mexico: Editorial Hermes, 1965), pp. 147–49, 152; Mexican Year Book (London: McCorquodale & Co., 1910), pp. 397–98.Google Scholar

11 Chowning, Margaret, Wealth and Power in Provincial Mexico: Michoacán from the Late Colony to the Revolution (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 263,Google Scholar 288. On colonization, see Cochet, Hubert, Léonard, Eric, and de Surgy, Jean Damien, Paisajes agrarios de Michoacán (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 1988).Google Scholar

12 Schyer, , Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 15354 Google Scholar; Silva, Cossío, “La ganadería,” pp. 147–48Google Scholar; Guy Thomson, P.C. with LaFrance, David G., Patriotism, Politics, and Popular Liberalism in Nineteenth-Century Mexico: Juan Francisco Lucas and the Puebla Sierra (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1999), pp. 32,Google Scholar 188; Jacobsen, , “Livestock Complexes in New Spain,” p. 128.Google Scholar

13 Ficker, Sandra Kuntz, Empresa extanjera y mercado interno: El Ferrocarril Central Mexicano, 1880–1907 (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1995), pp. 228–34Google Scholar; Schmidt, Arthur, The Social and Economic Effect of the Railroad in Puebla and Veracruz, Mexico, 1867–1911 (New York: Garland, 1987), p. 202 Google Scholar; Schyer, , Ethnicity and Class Conflict, p. 153.Google Scholar

14 Slaughter account books, Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, Fondo Lira, vols. 346, 409, 410.

15 Information on importer practices was gained from a Mexico City interview with TIF inspector Laura Varinia Muñoz Huerta, the granddaughter of a Porfirian livestock merchant, on July 19, 2001. Importers grazed their cattle in some of the same fields used by colonial abasto merchants. During the Reforma, they used the Lerdo Law disentailing village commons as a means of privatizing these ejidos. Importer Rafael Villegas, for example, purchased fields from San Juan Tenochtitlán. See Lira, Andrés, Comunidades indígenas frente a la Ciudad de México: Tenochtitlan y Tlatelolco, sus pueblos y barrios, 1812–1919 (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1983), p. 209.Google Scholar

16 Boletín del Consejo Superior de Salubridad, September 20, 1880.

17 Municipal report, November 1897, Archivo Histórico de la Ciudad de México (hereafter AHCM), vol. 3763, exp. 25.

18 El Economista Mexicano, May 3, 1902; Cipriano Robert to Benito Juárez, December 12, 1870, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (hereafter AGN), Gobernación, 2a. series, 870, vol. 3, exp. 1; El Tiempo, August 25, 1905; El Imparcial, August 30, 1897.

19 The description came from hog butchers seeking unsuccessfully to avoid a declaration of comercio libre in their own trade. Miguel Ramiro Rodríguez petition, January 11, 1813, AGN, Abasto, vol. 8, exp. 16, fo. 280.

20 See, for example, Cubas, Antonio Garcia, El libro de mis recuerdos (Mexico City: Porrúa, 1986 [1904]), pp. 238–39Google Scholar, Olmos, Carlos Chanfón, ed., Historia de la architectura y el urbanismo mexicanos, vol. 3, El México independiente, tome 2; Afirmación del nacionalismo y la modernidad (Mexico: UNAM, 1998), p. 126 Google Scholar; Elena Piniano petition, February 19, 1857, AHCM, vol. 3732, exp. 317; various market inspection reports, AHCM, vol. 3739.

21 The long-term decline in mutton consumption was reversed in absolute numbers only with the tremendous urban growth at the end of the nineteenth century, and even then continued to fall in per capita terms. The principal sources of these figures are AHCM, vol. 3767, exp. 7; Anuario estadístico de la República Mexicana: 1906 (Mexico City: Secretaría de Fomento, 1910).

22 Novísimo arte de cocina (Mexico: Alejandro Valdés, 1831), pp. 12–24; El cocinero mexicano, 3 vols. (Mexico: Galván, 1831), 2:6–58; Manual del cocinero y cocinera tomado del periodico literario La Risa (Puebla: José María Macías, 1849), pp. 84, 90–135; Nuevo y sencillo arte de cocina (Mexico: Santiago Pérez, 1836), pp. 50, 164, 217; Manual del cocinero, dedicado a las señoritas mexicanas (Mexico: Murguía, 1856), pp. 27–28.

23 de Rubio, Vicenta Torres, Cocina michoacana (Zamora: Imprenta Moderna, 1896), pp. 45 Google Scholar, 110; Anduiza, Jacinto, El libro del hogar (Pachuca: ImprentaLa Europea,1893), p. 198 Google Scholar; Nuevo cocinero mexicano en forme de diccionario: reproducción facsimilar (Mexico: Porrúa, 1986 [1888]), p. 70.

24 Cubas, García, El libro de mis recuerdos, p. 251.Google Scholar

25 El Imparcial, June 20, 1902.

26 La Patria, September 8, 1897.

27 El Imparcial, February 18, 1902. For a fuller discussion of Porfirian nutritional discourse, see Pilcher, Jeffrey M., ¡Que vivan los tamales! Food and the Making of Mexican Identity (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998),Google Scholar ch. 4.

28 Quoted in Giedion, Siegfried, Mechanization Takes Command: A Contribution to Anonymous History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948), p. 213.Google Scholar

29 Ibid, pp. 211–24; Yeager, Mary, Competition and Regulation: The Development of Oligopoly in the Meat Packing Industry (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, Inc., 1981), pp. 5863.Google Scholar

30 Quote from El Tiempo, September 30, 1897; Fernández, et al, to González Cosío, April 1899, AHCM, vol. 3764, exp. 30.

31 Padilla and Fernández petition, March 20, 1905, AHCM, vol. 1279, exp. 5.

32 El Tiempo, April 15, August 25, 1905. Interior Secretary report, May 27, 1905, AHCM, vol. 1279, exp. 5.

33 Dr. Jesús E. Monjarás to Veterinary Inspector Francisco López Vallejo, September 21, 1907, Archivo Histórico de la Secretaría de Salud y Asistencia, Mexico City (hereafter AHSSA), Inspección, box 1, exp. 24.

34 El Imparcial, July 30, October 2, 1907; Wasserman, , Capitalists, Caciques, and Revolution, p. 58.Google Scholar

35 Yeager, , Competition and Regulation, pp. 6777.Google Scholar

36 Mexican Herald, January 13, February 23, March 12, 1908.

37 Mexican Herald, February 23, 1908.

38 Kenneth L. Turk report, September 24, 1959, Rockefeller Foundation Archives (hereafter RFA), record group 1.2, series 323, box 2, folder 8.

39 Mexican Herald, April 15, 1908; El Imparcial, April 18, 1908.

40 DeKay memorandum, March 14, 1908, and D. A. Holmes to Limantour, August 21, 1908, Archivo José Yves Limantour, Centro de Estudios de Historia de México, Condumex, Mexico City, roll 54, carp. 24/30; Wiseman to Porfirio Díaz, June 17, 1908, Archivo Porfirio Díaz, Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City (hereafter APD), leg. 33, no. 8039.

41 Alfred Bishop Mason to Díaz, May 13, 1909, APD, leg. 34, exp. 9146; Ramón Corral to Government Council Secretary, May 31, 1909, September 11, 1909; Government Council to Corral, August 24, 1909, AHCM, vol. 640, exp. 31.

42 Survey report of 1941, RFA, group 1.1, series 323, box 5, folder 37; John W. DeKay Memorial, p. 20, Washington National Record Center, Suitland, Maryland (hereafter WNRC), Claims, RG 76, entry 125, agency 4850.

43 DeKay to Zakany, October 11, 1909, AHCM, vol. 1280, exp. 29.

44 Schell, William Jr., Integral Outsiders: The American Colony in Mexico City, 1876–1911 (Wilm-ington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2001), pp. 164–48.Google Scholar

45 Lear, John, Workers, Neighbors, and Citizens: The Revolution in Mexico City (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001), pp. 201–14Google Scholar; S. C. Norsworthy undated memorandum and Norsworthy to Hernández, November 9, 1911, WNRC, Claims, RG 76, entry 125, agency 4850, Mexican Government Response, Annexes 14, 15; El Tiempo, December 13, 1911.

46 Pilcher, Jeffrey M., “Mad Cowmen, Foreign Investors, and the Mexican Revolution,Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 4, no. 1 (July 1998): 115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47 Letter of Agrupaciones to Calles, July 2, 1927, Archivo Plutarco Elías Calles, exp. 72, Rastro de la Ciudad de México, gaveta 64, fo. 2–3, inv. 4757; various reports dated 1928, AHSSA, Servicio Jurídico, box 10, exp. 4.

48 Machado, Manuel A. Jr., The North Mexican Cattle Industry, 1910–1975: Ideology, Conflict, and Change (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

49 Haber, Stephen, Industry and Underdevelopment: The Industrialization of Mexico, 1890–1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989)Google Scholar, ch, 3.

50 Sanderson, , The Transformation of Mexican Agriculture, pp. 124–27,Google Scholar 171; El Universal, Novem-ber 22, 1946; Patiño, Emilio Alanis, “La industria de la carne en México.” Problemas Agrícolas e Industriales de México 4, no. 3 (Julio-Septiembre 1952)Google Scholar: 250; Comisión Económica para América Latina, La industria de la carne de ganado bovino en México: Análisis y perspectivas (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1975), p. 165; Schyer, , Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 15256 Google Scholar; Agricultura , Secretaría de , y Ganadería, Reglamento de la Industrialización Sanitaria de la Carne. Inspección Federal (Mexico City: N.p., 1953).Google Scholar

51 La Jornada, March 14, 1992.

52 Nestle, Marion, Safe Food: Bacteria, Biotechnology, and Bioterrorism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Schwartz, Maxime, How the Cows Turned Mad (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).Google Scholar

53 A further irony emerges from the specific history of the dish in south Texas, where poor Mexican Americans found an appetizing way of cooking the tough diaphragm muscle of the cow because it was the only meat they could buy. When fajitas finally caught on among mainstream consumers in the 1980s, the price of skirt steak rose to the point that the original cooks could no longer afford it. See Montaño, Mario, “Appropriation and Counterhegemony in South Texas: Food Slurs, Offal Meats, and Blood,” in Tuleja, Tad, (ed.), Usable Pasts: Traditions and Group Expressions in North America (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1997), pp. 5067.Google Scholar