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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
Much attention is currently lavished on the roles of the Mesopotamian core area relative to those of the periphery which surrounded it in a great arc. The periphery drew much of its cultural inspiration from the core, but not in any kind of monolithic way: present indications are that it was more often open to influence from what might be termed “Akkadian” than “Sumerian” traditions. In matters of script, language, calendar, legal terminology and numerous other features, it seems to have perpetuated innovations ultimately going back to Sargonic rule or inspiration. But it is equally clear that the direction of influence was not exclusively outward from the core to the periphery. As the example of the geographical atlas of the Ancient Near East attested at Ebla and at Abū Salābīk has already shown, it sometimes went the other way. The case of the royal titulary may provide a further example of the influence of the periphery on the Mesopotamian core.
Twenty-five years ago, I studied the evolution of the royal titulary in essentially historical terms, as I attempted to date the first appearance of each royal title within Mesopotamia. Only occasional suggestions were offered for the possible prehistory of some titles outside Mesopotamia. These suggestions can now be followed up and expanded in the light of additional data.
1 See the forthcoming report of the 25th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, devoted to “Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn”.
2 See Pettinato, Giovanni, “The royal archives of Tell Mardikh-Ebla”, Biblical Archaeologist 39 (1976) 52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “L'Atlante geografico del Vicino Oriente Antico attestate ad Ebla e ad Abū Salābrīkh(I)”, Orientalia 47 (1978) 50–73 and pls. vii–xii; for a slightly different view, see Biggs, Robert, “The Ebla tablets: an interim perspective”, Biblical Archaeologist 43 (1980), 84 fCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Hallo, William W., Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: a Philologic and Historical Analysis (= AOS 43, 1957)Google Scholar (hereafter EMRT).
4 EMRT pp. 66, 98.
5 EMRT ch. 2.
6 See for this evolution Hallo, W. W. and Simpson, W. K., The Ancient Near East: a History (NY, Harcourt, Brace and Jovanovitch, 1971) (hereafter ANEH), 34–53Google Scholar.
7 ANEH pp. 51, 73 f.; cf. also Hallo, , “Gutium”, Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3 (1971), 709Google Scholar.
8 So CAD K 311b.
9 For a scheme incorporating all five regions, cf. ANEH p. 23.
10 Weidner, E. F. and Neugebauer, O., “Die Himmelsrichtungen bei den Babyloniern”, AfO 7 (1931–1932), 269 ffGoogle Scholar.
11 Cf. the Old Babylonian forerunners to HAR - r a = hubullu XXI edited in MSL 11:105:309–14 (cf. ibid., 132 vi 2–4) and the comments of Georges Dossin, , “Kengen, pays de Canaan”, Scritti … Furlani (= RSO 32) 35–39Google Scholar and Römer, W. H. Ph., “Studien zu altbabylonischen hymnisch-epischen Texten”, WO 4 (1967), 19Google Scholar.
12 See the “Golden Age” passage in “Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta”, lines 136–56, esp. 141–44, for which see most recently Gurney, O. R., AfO 25 (1974–1977), 170 fGoogle Scholar. (with previous literature). Cf. also the “Curse of Agade”, lines 45–50.
13 Matthiae, Paolo, “Tell Mardikh: the archives and the palace”, Archaeology 30 (1977), 248Google Scholar. The reference is to seal impressions on clay bullae showing “a kneeling Atlas who holds, over his head, a complex symbol composed of two lion heads and two human heads in crosslike opposition”.
14 Ibid.; cf. Pettinato 1976 (op. cit. note 2), 47 and, in detail, Pettinato, G. and Matthiae, P., “Aspetti amministrativi e topografici di Ebla nel III millennio av. Cr.”, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 50 (1976), 1–30Google Scholar.
15 Hirsch, Hans, “Die Inschriften der Könige von Agade”, AfO 20 (1963), 5, 16Google Scholarsub “Das Nachleben … im Kult” and add Lambert, W. G., “A new source for the reign of Nabonidus”, AfO 22 (1969), 1–8Google Scholar and Kennedy, Douglas, “Realia”, RA 63 (1969), 79Google Scholar.
16 Hirsch (op. cit. note 15), p. 16(3).
17 See EMRT 59 f. for one estimate.
18 “Ipḫur-Kīishi and his times”, AfO 26 (1978–1979), 12 and note 45Google Scholar.
19 So Jacobsen, ibid, and pp. 13 f.
20 So Grayson, A. K. and Sollberger, E., “L'insurrection générale contre Narām-Suen”, RA 70 (1976), 103–28Google Scholar.
21 Ayish, A. H., “Bassetki statue with an Old Akkadian inscription”, Sumer 32 (1976), 63–75Google Scholar and 2 pls.; Tariq Madhloom, “Studies on Akkadian bronze statue”, ibid. (Arabic part), 41–48 and pls.; Fawzi Reshid, “Preliminary studies …“, ibid. 49–58 and pls.
22 Grayson and Sollberger (op. cit. note 20), 112 line 35 (Text G); Jacobsen (op. cit. note 18), p. 12 says he is listed there (!) “as a member of the northern coalition”.
23 Gelb, I. J., “Makhan and Meluḫḫa in early Mesopotamian sources”, RA 64 (1970), 1–8Google Scholar.
24 Ungnad, Arthur, “Der Akkader Narâm-Sin und der Ägypter Mani”, AfO 14 (1942), 199 fGoogle Scholar.
25 Grayson, A. K., Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (= Texts from Cuneiform Sources 5, 1970), 154 and 224Google Scholar.
26 Posener, Ernest, De la divinité du pharaon (= Cahiers de la Société Asiatique 15, 1960)Google Scholar; Barta, Winfried, Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit der regierenden Könige (= Münchener Ägyptologische Studien 32, 1975)Google Scholar; but see the critique by Lorton, David, “Towards a constitutional approach to ancient Egyptian kingship”, JAOS 99 (1979), 460–65Google Scholar.
27 See e.g. Borger, Riekele, Einleitung in die assyrischen Königsinschriften: 1. Teil (= Handbuch der Orientalistik: 1. Abt., Erg. 5/1/1, 1961), 13 note 3Google Scholar.
28 Sollberger, , “The cruciform monument”, JEOL 20 (1968), 54Google Scholar lines 5 f. restores [LUGAL / da-núm].
29 Hallo, W. W. and Van Dijk, J. J. A., The Exaltation of Inanna (= YNER 3, 1968)Google Scholar (hereafter YNER 3), 7 note 48.
30 EMRT 65 f.
31 For the Elamite reading see Hinz, Walther, “Zur Entzifferung der elamischen Strich-schrift”, Iranica Antiqua 2 (1962), 7 fGoogle Scholar. For another view see Nagel, Wolfram and Strommenger, Eva, “Reichsakkadische Glyptik und Plastik im Rahmen der mesopotamisch-elamischen Geschichte”, BJV 8 (1968), 191 f.Google Scholar, note 81.
32 Hirsch (op. cit. note 15), 61 ad 22:6.
33 Boehmer, Rainer, “Zur Datierung des Epirmupi”, ZA 58 (1967), 302–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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35 Boehmer, Rainer M., “Datierte Glyptik der Akkade-Zeit”, Vorderasiatische Archäeologie (= Festschrift Moortgat, 1964), 46Google Scholar, note 14. Cf. Hinz, , CAH3 (1971), 650Google Scholar.
36 Hinz, Walter, “Elams Vertrag mit Narām-Sîn von Akkade”, ZA 58 (1967), 66–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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38 EMRT 77–88.
39 YNER 3:9 f.
40 RAI 19 (1974), 202–32, esp. p. 224Google Scholar.
41 Sjöberg, , TCS 3 (1969), 18Google Scholar (line 28); for the date, cf. ibid., pp. 6 (A1 and A2) and 8.
42 EMRT 5 f.
43 Sollberger, Edmond and Kupper, Jean-Robert, Inscriptions royales Sumériennes et Akkadiennes (= Littératures Anciennes du Proche-Orient 3, 1971), 128Google Scholar.
44 Parrot, André and Nougayrol, Jean, “Un document de fondation Hurrite”, RA 42 (1948), 18 fGoogle Scholar.
45 Gelb, I. J., “New light on Hurrians and Subarians”, Studi Orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida 1 (1956), 381Google Scholar dates Atal-šen's inscription “either from the late Sargonic or the early Ur III period”.
46 Ibid. and Sollberger and Kupper (op. cit. note 43), 128.
47 Finet, André, “Adalšenni, roi de Burundum”, RA 60 (1966), 17Google Scholar, note 9.
48 See in detail Hallo, W. W., “Simurrum and the Hurrian frontier”, RAI 24 (= RHA 36, 1978), 71–83Google Scholar.
49 Above, note 41. Cf. Hallo, , “The coronation of Ur-Nammu”, JCS 20 (1966), 134Google Scholar, note 22 and 138 f.
50 Klengel, Horst, “Lullubum. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der altvorderasiatischen Gebirgsvölker”, MIO 11 (1966), 349–71Google Scholar, esp. 352–54.
51 EMRT 98.
52 Letter of 10–31–57. Cf. also Astour, M. C., JBL 95 (1976), 574Google Scholar.
53 Gurney, O. R., “The Cuthaean legend of Naram-Sin”, An. St. 5 (1955), 93 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. also Hallo (op. cit. note 7), 709.
54 Grayson and Sollberger (op. cit. note 20), 126.
55 Ibid. 115:4′.
56 SAK 166g; cf. Hirsch (op. cit. note 15), 17 (1).
57 Edzard, Dietz O., “Zwei Inschriften am Felsen von Sar-i-Pūl-i-Zohāb: Anubanini 1 und 2”, AfO 24 (1973), 73–77Google Scholar. This represents a slight modification of his earlier position in ZA 54 (1961), 258 n. 2.
58 ANEH 86 f. and n. 48 (with previous literature).
59 EMRT p.47.
60 EMRT p. 105.
61 EMRT pp. 118–20.
62 Limet, Henri, Textes Administratifs de l'époque des šakkanakku (= ARMT 19, 1976), 7–10Google Scholar.
63 EMRT 108 f.; cf. Lambert, M., GLECS 9 (1962), 52 fGoogle Scholar.
64 But Stol (JCS 30, 24 f.) regards it as denoting the territory around Larsa.
65 Cf. above, note 52. The reference is to the “sheikhs of Hana” in the inscription of Yahdun-Lim of Mari.
66 E.g. Edzard, , Die “zweite Zwischenzeit” Babyloniens (1957), 35Google Scholar note 144; CAD A/1: 72 f.; Rowton Iraq 31:68 ff. Does it also apply to the summary of the second section of the Assyrian King list?
67 Enannatuma-sipa-zi in CIRPL Enz. 1 and NFT 181:4156; see Sollberger and Kupper (op. cit. note 43), 75 f.
68 EMRT 148.
69 Ibid., note 2; cf. above, note 43.
70 So CAD and AHw s.vv. epšu, re'u (following Thureau-Dangin's editio princeps).
71 Falkenstein, A., SGL 1 (1959) 53Google Scholarad 1. 60.
72 VS 17:41i21 = Van Dijk, , JCS 19 (1965) 5:21Google Scholar.
73 VS 17:38:44 = Sjöberg, , Or. Suec. 22 (1973) 109:44Google Scholar; Dupret, , Or. 43 (1974) 332:44Google Scholar.
74 UET 6:101:19 and 38. Cf. Steible, H., Rīm-Sîn, mein König (1975), 48Google Scholar.
75 Depending on the reading of line 3a as s i p a - z i k a l a m - š á r - r a t ú m - t ú m - m u - d è or s i p a z i k a l a m - š á r - r a t ú m - t ú m - m u - d è (OECT 5:25:61; cf. TRS 58:3).
76 OECT 5:25 lines 59–112; for duplicates see for the present Hallo, Kramer AV (= AOAT 25, 1976) 211 f. and note 25. A full edition is in preparation.