Acknowledgements: Thanks are due to the President and Fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford and the University Research Institute at the University of Texas at Austin (E.D.F.), the Wolfson Foundation, the Oxford Literae Humaniores Faculty Board, the Craven Committee, and the Ashmolean Central Travel Fund (M.V.) for their generous support of the research of which this is a part. Professor Homer Thompson kindly gave us the benefit of his thoughts on an earlier draft, Professor F. Cooper, and Dr J.J. Coulton, Dr D.W.J. Gill, and Professor J. Kroll were generous with their help and advice. Any errors are the responsibility of the authors alone. Dr Gill prepared Fig. 1 and the plans and section drawings in Figs 2–7 are taken or adapted (by Mr Keith Bennett) from reports in Hesperia and Agora 14.

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¹¹ Idem, ‘The campaign of 1935’, Hesperia 5 (1936) 35.

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¹⁷ Talcott, L.B., ‘Vases and kalos names from an Agora well’, Hesperia 5 (1936) 346.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This line of reasoning has had far-reaching effects: cf. Broneer, O., ‘Excavations on the North Slope of the Acropolis, 1937;, Hesperia 7 (1938) 242CrossRefGoogle Scholar, speaking of the cache of 190 ostraca inscribed with Themistocles’ name: ‘To which of the ostracisms [sic] of Themistokles do our ostraka belong? A glance at the ostraka of the year 483/2 from the Agora will suggest an answer to this question.’ Vanderpool, E. work on ostraca rests on the same logical basis: e.g. Ostracism at Athens, Semple Memorial Lectures (Cincinnati, 1970).Google Scholar

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²⁰ The elucidation of problems associated with ostraca is rendered even more difficult when we recall that ‘ostraca’ were originally pieces of tortoiseshell (LSJ, s.v.), and that potsherds were substitutes for them. A single tortoise would produce 54 scales, but tortoiseshell is notoriously subject to decay; archaeologists in York were surprised to find surviving fragments of tortoiseshell comb and comb-making debris on the site of a factory active between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries (O'Connor, S. ‘Osseous and keratinaceous materials from York’ in Starling, K. and Watkinson, D. (eds), Archaeological Bone, Antler and Ivory [United Kingdom Institute for Conservation, Occasional Paper 5, 1987] 9–21)Google Scholar; thanks are due to Sonia O'Connor and Arthur MacGregor for advice on this topic. Tortoise shell has not been quite as elusive in the archaeological record as was thought when our article was written. D.S. Reese has discussed the relevant finds in the Mediterranean region (including two from the Athenian Agora [both ‘unmodified carapaces’, one (BI 676) found in an amphora (P 21715) in a deposit (07:8) dated 425–400 BC, and the other (BI 509) ‘from a well at 26/KD): ‘The Kition tortoise carapace’, in Karageorghis, V., Excavations at Kition 5/2 (Nicosia, 1985) 409–415.Google Scholar

²¹ Vanderpool, E., ‘The kneeling boy’, Hesperia 6 (1937) 426–441CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The rectangular rock-cut shaft: the shaft and its lower fill’, Hesperia 7 (1938) 363–411; idem, ‘The rectangular rock-cut shaft: the upper fill’, Hesperia 15 (1946) 265–336.

²² Vanderpool (1946) 265.

²³ Ibid., n. 2. It is interesting to contrast Vanderpool's more recent readiness to admit that there may be something wrong with the Langlotzian chronology, in ‘Thorikos and the Laurion in Archaic and Classical Times’ Misc. Graec. 1 (1975) 58.Google Scholar

²⁴ Löwy, E., ‘Der Beginn der rotfigurigen Vasenmalerei’, SbWien 217/2 (1938).Google Scholar

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²⁸ Vanderpool (1946) 270. Many thanks are due to Dr. D.W.J. Gill for devising and preparing Figure 1.

²⁹ Vanderpool (1946) 268, n. 10.

³⁰ Vanderpool (1938) 363.

³¹ Ibid., 364, n. 2; this was still the case in 1977; ‘Athenian wells were generally round shafts …’ (Camp, J.M.Google Scholar, The Water Supply of Ancient Athens from 3000 to 86 BC [Diss. Princeton, 1977] 175).Google Scholar

³² E.g. Shear (n. 8) 456; Vanderpool (1938) 364.

³³ Ibid., 363–4.

³⁴ Vanderpool (1938) 364, n. 2; Thompson, H.A., ‘Activities in the Athenian Agora, summer of 1932’, AJA 37 (1933) 290CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sparkes, B.A. and Talcott, L., Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th Centuries B.C. (Agora 12, Princeton, 1970) 393.Google Scholar

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³⁷ Stronach, D., Pasargadae, a Report on the Excavations conducted by the British Institute of Persian Studies from 1961 to 1963 (Oxford, 1978) 150, No. 130 on Plan 6, opp. p. 146, pl. 115b.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Goblot, H., Les Qanats: une technique d'acquisition de l'eau (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar. Bonine, M.E., ‘From Qanat to Kort: traditional irrigation terminology and practices in Central Iran’, Iran 20 (1982) 145–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁴ On the availability of snow for refreshment purposes at Athens: Athen. 3.124a, 13.579f; Xen. Mem 2.1.30. Cf. Athen. 3.124c: ‘[in the siege of Petra in India] Alexander dug thirty refrigerating pits which he filled with snow and covered with oak boughs. In this way … snow will last a long time’.

⁴⁵ Hdt. 1.188.

⁴⁶ Athen. 9.464a.

⁴⁷ Hdt. 9.49.

⁴⁸ Macleod, C.W., ‘Politics and the Oresteia’, JHS 102 (1982) 129CrossRefGoogle Scholar (reprinted in Collected Essays [Oxford, 1983] 25).

⁴⁹ Note in this connection E. Fraenkel's observation regarding the appropriateness of the phrase ἐπιρροαι̑σιν αἱμάτων at Ag. 1510, used of the violent rampage of war.

⁵⁰ Macleod (n. 49) 130. It is worth noting that the position of water commissioner at Athens was one of the very few offices which were elective and not allotted ([Arist.] Ath. Pol. 43, 1): ‘the job was simply too important to leave to chance’ (Camp, J.M., ‘Drought and famine in the 4th century BC’, in Studies in Athenian Architecture, Sculpture and Topography presented to Homer A. Thompson (Hesperia Suppl. 20, 1982) 11.Google Scholar

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⁵³ E.g. Broneer, O., ‘Excavations on the North Slope of the Acropolis in Athens 1931—1932’, Hesperia 2 (1933) 340CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pease, M.Z., ‘The pottery from the North Slope of the Acropolis’, Hesperia 4 (1935) 214–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, ‘The cave on the East Slope of the Acropolis. The pottery’, Hesperia 5 (1936) 254–64; Roebuck, C., ‘Pottery from the North Slope of the Acropolis 1937–1938’, Hesperia 9 (1940) 146–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵⁵ Cf. Camp (n. 8) 39: ‘…we cannot be specific about the use of the buildings, given their exiguous state of preservation’.

⁵⁶ Thompson 1940 (n. 54) 42–3.

⁵⁷ Ibid. 43.

⁵⁸ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 124.

⁵⁹ Thompson 1940 (n. 54) 15.

⁶⁰ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 126–7, fig. 68.

⁶¹ Ibid. 127.

⁶² Thompson 1940 (n. 54) 42–3.

⁶³ Ibid., 25.

⁶⁴ Ibid., 21.

⁶⁵ Ibid., 25.

⁶⁶ Ibid. 33, fig. 25.

⁶⁷ Thompson, H.A., ‘Athens faces adversity’, Hesperia 50 (1981) 345.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶⁹ Ibid. 25–6, pl. 3 (cooking plts), 24–5, fig. 32, p. 41 (oven)

⁷⁰ Cf. Thompson's discussion of fire-damage which could not possibly have been the result of Persian action: ‘we may suppose that the damage was caused by some slight conflagration in the Tholos or its kitchen’ (Thompson [n. 54] 126).

⁷¹ ibid., 33.

⁷² Ibid., 27

⁷³ Ibid., 32–3, fig. 24.

⁷⁴ The same observations apply to the ostracon cast against Hippocrates found beneath the packing of the floor of Building J (Thompson 1940 [n. 54 38, fig. 30d).

⁷⁵ Ibid. 31.

⁷⁶ ibid.

⁷⁷ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 4.

⁷⁸ Thompson, H.A. and Wycherley, R.E., The Agora of Athens (Agora 14, 1972) 29.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ Thompson and Wycherley (n. 78) 194.

⁸¹ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 134.

⁸² Agora Guide 2 (Athens 1962) 52.

⁸³ Shear, T.L. Jr, ‘Tyrants and buildings in archaic Athens’, in Athens Come of Age: From Solon to Salamis, Papers of a Symposium Sponsored by the Archaeological Institute of America, Princeton Society and the Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University (Princeton, N.J. 1978) 6.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 4, cf. 132, fig. 72, 218, fig 126 and pl. 1.

⁸⁵ Ibid., 9, fig. 3.

⁸⁶ Ross, L., Archäologische Aufsätze 1 (Leipzig, 1855) 140Google Scholar. Ross's views concerning this plate, based on the implicit idea that signs of burning necessarily require the presence of a Persian became the cornerstone of the Studniczka-Langlotz chronology: cf. Studniczka (n. 5) 159: ‘Die Bekannte Ross'sche Scherbe … gehörte, wie ihr Entdecker schon vor fünfzig Jahren sah, sicher dem Perserschutt an …’

⁸⁷ Talcott, L., ‘Two Attic kylikes’, Hesperia 2 (1933) 230.CrossRefGoogle Scholar We do not understand Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 13: ‘Since some of these [objects supposedly from the Perserschutt beneath the Stoa of Zeus] have actually suffered from fire and since all that did not share the same fate must have arrived shortly after the disaster, they are of interest for fixing the date of the event [our italics]’.

⁸⁸ Talcott (n. 87) 230, n. 2. The Byzantine pit dug in 1931 was in fact some ten metres away from the temple-like building beneath the Stoa of Zeus (information kindly supplied by Dr Margot C. Camp in a letter of February 1983)

⁸⁹ Talcott (n. 87) 230: ‘The evidence of the excavation, then, gives the year 480 as a terminus ante quem for the making of the two cups’.

⁹⁰ E.g. Philippart, H., ‘Les coupes attiques à fond blanc’, L'Antiquité Classique 5 (1936) 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bloesch, H.-J., Formen attischer Schalen (Bern/Bümplitz, 1940) 104Google Scholar; Mertens, J.R., Attic White Ground, its Development in Shapes other than Lekythoi (New York, 1977) 182, 186Google Scholar; H.A. Thompson 1981 (n. 65) 345; Williams, D., ‘A cup by the Antiphon Painter and the Battle of Marathon’, in Böhr, E. and Martini, W. (eds) Studien zur Mythologie und Vasenmalerei: FS Konrad Schauenburg (Mainz, 1986) 78.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 8.

⁹² Ibid. 136, fig. 72; cf. p. 8: ‘No trace has ever been found of an eastward continuation of this north side nor is it likely that the north side was ever as long even as the preserved part of the south side, for its course would have been cut by the terracotta water pipe that ran diagonally through the area and that was probably in use at the same time as the structure in question.’

⁹³ The first such plan is in Agora Guide 1 (Athens, 1954) 18, fig. 3; thenceforth the building in question is always shown as rectangular: most recently Camp (n. 8) 37.

⁹⁴ Talcott (n. 87) 230.

⁹⁵ Agora Guide 3 (Athens, 1976) 79; cf. Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 14; Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 96.

⁹⁶ Cf. Talcott (n. 87) 228.

⁹⁷ Kraay, C.M., Greek Coins and History: some current problems (London, 1969) 19–42Google Scholar; Robertson, M., A History of Greek Art (Cambridge, 1975) pl. 67Google Scholar ‘Probably second quarter of fifth century’; Vickers (n. 7) 37–8.

⁹⁸ Talcott (n. 87) 230: ‘at first glance both cups may seem to belong to a slightly later date’ Philippart (n. 90) 19: ‘[various stylistic features] nous inviteraient à faire descendre cette pièce plus bas, si les données mêmes des fouilles n'imposaient 480 comme terminus ante querm’.

⁹⁹ Agora Guide 2 (Athens, 1962) 161 and Agora Guide 3 (Athens, 1976) 245, date the white-ground cup to ‘ca. 480–470 BC’.

¹⁰⁰ Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 29, n. 25.

¹⁰¹ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 131, fig. 71.

¹⁰² Dunbabin, T.J., in JRS 39 (1949) 141Google Scholar. We have argued elsewhere for a down-dating of about sixty years for Attic Middle Geometric: Francis, E.D. and Vickers, M., ‘Greek Geometric pottery at Hama and its implications for Near Eastern chronology’, Levant 17 (1985) 131–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰³ For recent contributions to the debate, see Taplin, O., ‘Fifth century tragedy and comedy’, JHS 106 (1986) 163–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vickers, M., ‘Alcibiades on stage: Philoctetes and Cyclops’, Historia 36 (1987) 171–97.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ ibid., 144.

¹⁰⁵ Thompson 1978 (n. 79) 63; Thompson 1981 (n. 67) 345; Thompson 1982 (n. 79) 136.

¹⁰⁶ Rhodes, P.J., The Athenian Boule (Oxford, 1972) 16–30Google Scholar; reprint (1982) ibid, and 305–6; idem, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politela (Oxford, 1981) 317.

¹⁰⁷ Rhodes 1972 (n. 106) 19.

¹⁰⁸ Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 29

¹⁰⁹ E.D. Francis, ‘The Mother, the Demos and the Demosion’, a lecture delivered at the 1985 meeting of the Classical Association of the Middle West and South (forthcoming in idem, Image and Idea in Fifth Century Greece).

¹¹⁰ E.g. Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 35; Agora Guide 3 (1976) 67.

¹¹¹ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 140.

¹¹² Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 29, n. 25; 71.

¹¹³ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) pl. 6.

¹¹⁴ On the northeast entrance of the New Bouleuterion, see Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 150, 220.

¹¹⁵ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 84.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., 55–6, pl. 3.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 105 (cf. 85, where the length for the plinth was estimated to have been 1.50 metres in length and 0.65 metres deep), pl. 5.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., 102, 104.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 107–8, fig. 56; Palagia, O., Euphranor (Leiden, 1980) 13–20.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Thompson 1937 (n. 54) 90

¹²¹ Ibid., 104.

¹²² Thompson-Wycherley (n. 78) 205–6, fig. 52.

¹²³ The altar before Temple 2 appears to have been inscribed with the names of Zeus Phratrios and Athena Phratria, deities closely related to Apollo (Thompson 1937 [n. 54] 105).

¹²⁴ Richter, G.M.A., ‘Calamis’, OCD ² (1970) 192.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cic. Brut. 18, 70: ‘quis enim eorum, qui haec minora animadverunt, non intellegit Canachi signa rigidiora esse, quam ut imitentur veritatem? Calamidis dura illa quidem, sed tamen molliora quam Canachi’; Quint. 12, 10, 7: ‘similis in statuariis differentia. Nam duriora et Tuscanicis proxima Callon atque Hegesias, iam minus rigida Calamis …’

¹²⁶ Studniczka, F., Kalamis: ein Beitrag zur griechischen Kunstgeschichte (Leipzig, 1907).Google Scholar H. von Steuben, however, has some persplcacious remarks in Helbig⁴ 2, 1865.

¹²⁷ E.g. Robertson, M., A History of Greek Art (Cambridge, 1975) 184, 197Google Scholar; Boardman, J., Archaic Greek Sculpture: a Handbook (London, 1985) 191.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ E.g. Richter, G.M.A., A Handbook of Greek Art 3 (London, 1963) figs. 115–6Google Scholar; eadem (n. 124).

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¹³² E.g. Shear, T.L. Jr, ‘The Athenian Agora: excavations of 1973–1974’, Hesperia 44 (1975) 369Google Scholar; Camp (n. 8) 53.

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¹³⁷ See further Francis (n. 109)

¹³⁸ Stais, V., ‘Souniou anaskaphai’ AE 1917, 168–213.Google Scholar The best plan of the Sunium shaft is to be found in Papahadji, N., Pausaniou Hellados Periegesis: Attika (Athens, 1974) 81, fig. 10.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Dinsmoor, W.B. Jr, Guide to Somion (Athens, 1970).Google Scholar

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¹⁴¹ Healy, J.F., Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World (London, 1978) 80Google Scholar; R.J. Hopper and H. Mussche agree that vertical shafts in mines were for ventilation only, and that access to the workface would be by means of horizontal shafts: in H. Mussche, P. Spitaels and F. Goemaere-De Poerck (n. 23) 55.

¹⁴² Stais (n. 138) 189.

¹⁴³ Shear, I.M., ‘Sounion’, in Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites (Princeton, 1976) 854Google Scholar (following Stais [n. 138] 193).

¹⁴⁴ I.M. Shear (n. 143).

¹⁴⁵ It should be noted that Stais regarded the fragmentary grave stele of an athlete crowning himself (Stais [n. 138] 204, fig. 16; Papahadji [n. 138] 91, fig. 19) as a surface find which had probably been placed there not long before his explorations; he connected it with the activities of tombaroli at a nearby cemetery site (p. 181, n. 1); it therefore carries no chronological weight.

¹⁴⁶ Quatrefoil Corinthian aryballoi (e.g. Stais, pl. 8, top right); cf. Moorey, P.R.S., Cemeteries of the First Millennium B.C. at Deve Huyuk (B.A.R. International series 87, 1980) 19Google Scholar, fig. 4. 23, no. 56.

¹⁴⁷ Auberson, P., ‘A propos d'un puits public à Erétrie’, BCH 99 (1975) 789–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krause, C., ‘Brunnentürme in der archaischen Stadtmauer Eretrias’, AK 25 (1982) 39–43.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁹ Auberson (n. 147) 798; cf. Martin, R., Manuel d'architecture grecque 1, Matériaux et techniques (Paris, 1965) 261.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Ibid., 261–73.

¹⁵¹ We might add the step-blocks of the mid-fifth century Painted Stoa in the Agora, with their ‘iron double-T clamps’ (Camp [n. 8] 66).

¹⁵² Hdt. 6, 101.

¹⁵³ Zimmern, A.E., The Greek Commonwealth 4th edn (Oxford, 1924) 369.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Hdt. 6, 101.

¹⁵⁵ Hdt. 8, 46; 9, 28.

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