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Emerging Neolithic and Early Cycladic settlements in Paros: Koukounaries and Sklavouna1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 May 2013

Stella Katsarou
Affiliation:
Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Second Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, 56, Ermou str., Athens 10563, Greece
Demetrius U. Schilardi
Affiliation:
Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Second Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, 56, Ermou str., Athens 10563, Greece

Abstract

Though big and fertile, the island of Paros is still an empty landscape for the Neolithic, since alone the only so far known site of Kastro at Paroikia, and the neighbouring islet of Saliagos are inadequate to give an overall view of the cultural and economic distribution of the Neolithic populations on the island and their site networks within it. Also, even in the EBA, the few so far located settlements compared to the known cemeteries prevent us from penetrating into the subsistence strategies of the EC people and their organization of everyday life. In this respect the location of Neolithic and EBA habitation deposits at two sites in the bay of Naousa, Koukounaries and Sklavouna, is a significant opportunity for prehistoric research. This paper is a preliminary synthesis based on data from the old (1974–91) excavations and the systematic study started recently. Particularly in regard to Koukounaries, the paper attempts to study the organization and distribution of the pre-Mycenaean populations on the hill per chronological phase, giving emphasis on two main issues: first, on the duration of the latestNeolithic phase and the possibility that a Neolithic-to-EBA transition exists at the site, and secondly on the presence of a significant stone building compound of the EC II at the NE fringe of the hilltop.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 2004

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References

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15 Schilardi (n. 7), 89.

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17 Schilardi 1977, 370–1; Schilardi 1982, 242–3.

18 Schilardi 1982, 244–5; Schilardi 1991, 230–7.

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38 Ibid. 325.

39 Evidence on wall plasters comes from Lerna, Eutresis, and Agios Kosmas.

40 The absence of stone deposits inside the EBA buildings has led to the conclusion that upper structures were made by perishable mudbricks or timberwork. There is a case of an EH building at Malthi, Messenia, where such a wooden upper stucture is strongly suggested. The House of Tiles in Lerna is the most typical example for mudbuilt construction. It is quite possible that mudbricks were used in combination with timber. See details in Overbeck, J. C., ‘A Study of Early Helladic Architecture’ (Ph.D., University of Cincinnati, 1963Google Scholar).

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45 Schilardi 1991, 228 fig. 3, 235; pl. 148 β.

46 Many thanks to Dr E. Schofield for pointing this out to us.

47 Schilardi 1991, 237.

49 Ibid., 233.

50 Cf. Kalogerovrysi, Sampson (n. 41), 125.

51 Sampson, A., ῾῾Ανασχαφηʹ στὸν ΠΕΙ ΙΙ οὶχισμοʹ τῆς Μουρτερηʹ Κυʹμης ᾿᾿, AAA 11 (1979), 245–56Google Scholar.

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54 Ibid., 91–4.

55 Ibid., 109–13.

56 Ibid., 210–2.

57 Schilardi 1982, 245.

58 Schilardi 1991, 237.

59 Doumas, Ch., ‘EBA in the Cyclades: continuity or discontinuity?’, in French, E. B. and Wardle, K. A. (eds), Problems in Greek Prehistory: Papers Presented at the Centenary Conference of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, Manchester, April 1986 (Oxford, 1988), 21–9Google Scholar; Sotirakopoulou, P., ‘The chronology of the “Kastri Group” reconsidered’, BSA 88 (1993), 520Google Scholar; Sotirakopoulou, 236–48.

60 Sampson (n. 27), 76–9; id. (n. 41), 146–50.

61 Schilardi 1990, 213 fig. 2, 216 fig. 3.

62 Schilardi 1981, 288–9; Schilardi 1988, 200–1; Schilardi 1989, 265–6; Schilardi 1990, 223.

63 Also known as ‘saucers’; see Sotirakopoulou, 99.

64 Ibid., 183.

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66 Sotirakopoulou, 210–2.

67 Ibid., 147–60.

68 Ibid., 146.

69 Ibid., 214–22.

70 Similar fabrics were also observed in Saliagos, cf. Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 36.

71 Schilardi 1991, 239–41; pl. 150 α–β.

72 Marangou, Ch., ΕΙΔΩΛΙΑ: Figurines et miniatures du Néolithique récent et du Bronze ancien en Grèce (BAR S576; Oxford, 1992), 167Google Scholar.

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75 Four are reported, see Ibid., 167.

76 Doumas (n. 9), 96–100.

77 The term was already used in the 1930s in regard to some pottery from Palati in Naxos; see Karo, G., ‘Archäologische Funde auf dem Jahre 1929 und der ersten Hälfte von 1930’, AA 45 (1930), 134Google Scholar: ‘subneolithischen’; see also Sotirakopoulou, 226.

78 Schilardi 1990, 220; Schilardi 1991, 238 fig. 7, 250–1.

79 Preservation of slip or burnishing within the better fired fabric group is though very poor.

80 See Saliagos: Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 36; Kephala: Coleman, J. E., Keos, i: Kephala: A Late Neolithic Settlement and Cemetery (Princeton, 1977), 10–11, 24, 71–3Google Scholar; Grotta: O. Hadjianastasiou, ‘A Late Neolithic settlement at Grotta Naxos’, in French and Wardle (n. 59), 17; Zas cave: Zachos, K., "Η νεολιθιχηʹ εποΧηʹ στη Ναʹξο ᾿᾿, in Marangou, L. (ed.), Κυχλαδιχοʹς Πολιτισμοʹς: Η Ναʹξος στην Зη π.Χ. χιλιετία (Athens, 1990), 30, 35Google Scholar; Ftelia: Voutiropoulos, N., ‘The polychrome ware from Ftelia’, in Sampson, A., The Neolithic Settlement at Ftelia, Mykonos (Rhodes, 2002), 131Google Scholar; Emporio: Hood, S., Excavations in Chios 1938–1955: Prehistoric Emporio and Ayio Gala, i (BSA Supp. 15; London, 1981), 225, 227Google Scholar; Tigani: Felsch, R. C. S., Samos ii: Das Kastro Tigani: Die spätneolithische und chalkolithische Siedlung (Bonn, 1988), 57, 5960Google Scholar.

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86 Coleman (n. 80), pl. 44 a–h.

87 Sampson (n. 80), 73–5, figs. 68–70.

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91 Sampson (n. 80), 65.

92 See references collected in Sampson, A., Σχοτεινὴ Θαρρουνιʹων: Το σπηʹλαιο ο οιχισμοʹς χαι το νεχροταφειʹο (Athens, 1993), 166, 184–5Google Scholar.

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94 Yiannouli (n. 65), 29–30.

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97 Lamb, W., Excavations at Thermi in Lesbos (Cambridge, 1936), pL. 29. 2Google Scholar.

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99 The thick stratigraphic deposits of LN II at the Skoteini cave at Tharrounia have enabled researchers to locate the exact appearance of the type within the latest Neolithic millennium, and differentiate latest LN II from early LN II; see Sampson (n. 92), 161–2, with full bibliography.

100 e.g. Ayia Irini I: Wilson (n. 88), pl. 43. I–169. Also in Poliochni I, Kum Tepe Ib, but totally absent from the Dodecanese; see Sampson (n. 92), 162.

101 Overbeck (n. 2), 5 no 1; Sotirakopoulou, 100–1.

102 Cf. Ag. Sostis on Siphnos: Gropengiesser, H., ‘Siphnos, Kap Agios Sostis: keramische prähistorische Zeugnisse aus dem Gruben und Hüttenrevier’, AM 102 (1987), fig. 4. 19Google Scholar; Akrotiri on Thera: Sotirakopoulou, 100–1; Palati on Naxos: Karantzali, E., Le Bronze Ancien dans les Cyclades et en Crète (BAR S631; Oxford, 1996), 41Google Scholar; Kat' Akrotiri on Amorgos: Yannouli (n. 65), 23.

103 Sotirakopoulou, 101–2.

104 Cf. samples from Boeotia, see Tzavella-Evjen, H., Λιϑαρες (Athens, 1984), 150Google Scholar; Caskey and Caskey (n. 65), 136, fig. 4. Groups II–III.

105 See discussion in S. Katsarou and D. U. Schilardi, ‘Some reflexions on the EC domestic space arising from observation at Koukounaries, Paros’, in Οϱίζων.

106 Schilardi 1991, 238.

107 Schilardi 1990, 222; pl. 131 στ.

108 Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 86; pl. xlii.

109 Note the context of the ‘Fat Lady of Saliagos’ containing typical LN figurines, Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 62–5; K. Zachos, ῾῾Νησιαʹ του Αιγαὶου ᾿᾿, in ΝΠ, ῾῾Ειδωλοπλαστιχηʹ ᾿᾿, 156.

110 This is a preliminary note on the lithic assemblage.

111 At Koukounaries, the use of obsidian is diachronic: not only was it used in the Neolithic and the EBA, but also during the LBA and the later settlements up to the Archaic period. Therefore Koukounaries can serve as case study for the comparison of tool types and functions throughout the period of time covered by the site.

112 J. R. Cann and J. E. Dixon, ‘Appendix IV. The sources of the Saliagos obsidian’, in Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 106.

113 Schilardi 1991, 251, 253.

114 Cf. N. Galanidou, ‘The chipped stone industry of Ftelia: an introduction’, in Sampson (n. 80), 318.

115 Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 84.

116 Galanidou (n. 114), 317.

117 See discussion Ibid., 321.

118 Ibid.

119 A. Moundrea-Agrafioti, “Οστέινα, λίθινα”, in NΠ, “Εϱϒαλεία, 104.

120 The majority of Saliagos grinders are also made of marble, see Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 71.

121 Sampson 1987 (n. 88), 48, 83; id. 1988 (n. 88), 164–210.

122 Id. (n. 27), 80–103; id. (n. 92), 199–202.

123 Evans and Renfrew (n. 3), 71.

124 Ibid., 73.

125 Ibid., 66.

126 Schilardi 1991, 239, 242.

127 Halstead, P., ‘Counting sheep in Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece’, in Hodder, I. and Hammond, I. (eds), Patterns of the Past: Studies in Honour of David Clarke (Cambridge, 1981), 324Google Scholar.

128 It should be noted though that the deposits did not go through any sieving.

129 Doumas (n. 9), 13; Broodbank (n. 5), 86–7.

130 Nevertheless, Sampson believes that ‘the Yali Partheni–Alimnia culture possibly continues in the Dodecanese in the years corresponding to EBA I’; see Sampson 1988 (n. 88), 226.

131 Barber, R. L. N., The Cyclades in the Bronze Age (London, 1987), 22Google Scholar; Hadjianastasiou (n. 80), 11–20.

132 K. Zachos, ῾῾Το σπηʹλαιο του Ζα στη Ναʹξο ᾿᾿, in ΝΠ, ῾῾Κατοιʹχηοη ᾿᾿, 88–9.

133 Sotirakopoulou, 227.

134 Walter, H. and Felten, F., Alt-Aigina, iii/1Google Scholar: Die vorgeschichtliche Stadt: Befestigungen, Häuser, Funde (Mainz, 1981Google Scholar); K. Zachos, ῾῾Κυχλαʹδες νησιαʹ του βορειοανατολιχουʹ Αιγαιʹου ᾿᾿ ῾῾Κατοιʹσηση ᾿᾿, in ΝΠ, ῾Η Νεοʹτερη, 86.

135 Ayia Irini I has also for long been regarded as a transitional site although the earliest pottery comes from unstratified deposits, see Coleman, J. E., ‘The chronology and interconnections of the Cycladic islands in the Neolithic period and the Early Bronze Age’, AJA 78 (1974), 333–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sotirakopoulou, 91, 226. However, the recent final publication has put an end to the debate by clarifying that Ayia Irini I does not bridge the hiatus between LN and EBA (Ayia Irini II belongs to late EC II), see Wilson (n. 88), 6–7. See also Zachos (n. 134), 86.

136 Poliochni II: Bernabò-Brea, B., Poliochni I. Città preistorica nell'isola di Lemnos (Rome, 1964Google Scholar).

137 Emporio VII–VI: Hood (n. 80), 300–50.

138 Eutresis IV: Caskey and Caskey (n. 65), 126–67.

139 See discussion by Papadopoulos, S., Νεολιθιχηʹ χαι η Πρωʹιμη ΕποΧηʹ του Χαλχουʹ στην Ανατολιχὴ Μαχεδονὶα Η μεταβολὴ της χερμειχὴς' Ορὶζων (Ph.D.; Thessaloniki, 1997), 1216Google Scholar.

140 C. Televantou, ‘Strofilas: a Neolithic settlement on Andros’, in Ορὶζων.

141 Cf. for example the distance between corresponding settlements and cemeteries at Chalandriani on Syros, Avyssos and Pyrgos on Paros, Doumas (n. 9), 29; also see Manika: Sampson (n. 27), fig. 2.

142 Zachos (n. 80), 29–38; id. (n. 132), 88.

143 Belmont, J. C. and Renfrew, C., ‘Two prehistoric sites on Mykonos’, AJA 68 (1964), 395400CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

144 P. Sotirakopoulou, ‘Akrotiri, Thera: the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age phases in the light of the recent excavations at the site’, in Ορὶζων.

145 J. Cherry and R. Torrence, ‘The earliest prehistory of Melos’, in Renfrew and Wagstaff (n. 6), 24–34.

146 Schilardi 1975, 210; Schilardi 1984, 264; Schilardi 1991, 253–5.

147 It measures 0.095 × 0.085 × 0.077 m. The find was submitted to the Museum of Paros at Paroikia in 1991, from where it was stolen in 1992. See Schilardi 1991, 254–5.

148 Marangou (n. 80), 56 no. 22.