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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 May 2015
Attention has rightly been drawn to the central theme of Cyprian’s thinking —the sacramentum unitatis. The well worn dichotomy between episcopal or papal interpretations is misleading. What moved Cyprian was a conviction of the spiritual unity of the church, a mystery whereby one stood for many. At the centre of his thinking stood the theme of mater ecclesia and the recovery of this truth remains the proper end of the study of Cyprian.
1 Wickert, U., Sacramentimi Unitatis (Berlin, 1971).Google Scholar
2 Ruether, R.R., Gregory of Nazianzus (Oxford, 1969), p.86.Google Scholar
3 Op. cit. p. 6.
4 A philosopher, J. H. Morgan, who recorded this statement, commented on its significance as follows: ‘The criticism carries with it the explanation of why Mr Lloyd George is a success on the platform and equally of why Lord Haldane was not. The common man lives on the low level, as the idealist philosophers regard it, of “perceptual construction”, finding expression in images whereas Lord Haldane was always trying to raise him to the level of “pure thought”. … He disdained metaphor, which, when infused with passion, is the secret of all great oratory, and he was neither metaphorical nor passionate.’ See Sommer, D., Haldane of Cloan (London, 1960), pp.360f.Google Scholar
5 Eric, D’Arcy, ‘Christian Discourse’, Australian Biblical Review 14 (1966), 8.Google Scholar
6 Strom, v 56.
7 Epp. 8, 9, 20 and 30.
8 The church mingles the law and prophets, Tertullian had claimed, with the gospels and apostolic writings, and drinks its faith from this mixture (Praescr. 36). See Telfer, W., The Office of a Bishop (London, 1962), pp. 124f.Google Scholar and Wiles, M.F., ‘The Theological Legacy of St. Cyprian’, JEH 14 (1963), 144–: Google Scholar‘the theological justification of Cyprian’s idea of the ministry is solidly based upon a literal application of Old Testament texts concerning Jewish priesthood to the Christian ministry’.
9 Note the characteristic politico-military terms, strongly favoured by Cyprian, and already appropriated by Apuleius for rhetorical use. Cf. Apuleius, Met. iii. 6; iv. 10 f. with Cyprian, Epp. 59.9; 36.4; 39.2. See Koch, H., Cyprianische Unter-suchungen (Bonn, 1929), p. 329.Google Scholar
10 ‘The peculiar and vocational experience of the prophets was such an increase of this “life” (i.e. breath or spirit) that their organs became for the time being the very organs of God.…Thus “possessed” by God, and admitted to his heavenly council, the prophet could be conscious of uniting Israel to God and God to Israel. The prophet’s own relation to his people is expressed through the ancient category of “corporate personality” … Thus the prophet can feel not only that he represents, but that he actually is Israel.’ Robinson, H.W., The Old Testament: its Making and Meaning (London, 1937), pp. 78 f.Google Scholar See also de Fraine, J., Adam et son lignage (Bruges, 1959), p. 220:Google Scholar ‘dans l’ambiance de la “personnalité corporative” on peut dire en toute objectivité qu’il est le groupe et, que le groupe c’est lui’, and Johnson, A.R., The One and the Many in the Israelite Conception of God (Cardiff, 1961), p. 8:Google Scholar‘The nucleus of the social unit or kin-group is the household, which … is a psychical whole representing the extended personality of the man at its head.’
11 von Harnack, A., ‘Cyprian als Enthusiast’, ZNW 3 (1902), 185: Google Scholar‘Die beiden grossen Kräfte — die grössten, ber die die Religion verfügt — Iiegen verbunden in Cyprians Hand: die Gewalt des Amtes und die Gewalt des Geistes.’
12 Ep. 17. 1.
13 Ep. 20. The Roman clergy acknowledge that Cyprian’s presence with his people has been amply proved (Ep. 30.5).
14 Ep. 46.
15 Ibid. Cf. Harnack, op. cit., p. 186:. ‘Cyprian ist durch seine Verbindung von Episkopalismus und Enthousiasmus sozusagen der erste Papst gewesen, und es hat lange gedauert, bis er einen Nachfolger hat.’
16 Ep. 60. 1.
17 Oh what a great day that will be when it comes, dear brothers, when the Lord will begin to number his people … to damn our persecutors to the perpetual burning of penal fire, but to pay to us the reward of our faith and devotion!’ (Ep. 58. 10). On territoriality as a feature of African Christianity, see W. Telfer, op.cit., pp. 129 f.
18 Cf. H. Koch, op.cit., p. 313: ‘Beide, Stoiker und Christ, schauen zurück auf die Hel-den der Vergangenheit und verehren sie als Lehrmeister; jener die grossen Männer und Frauen der griechischen und römischen Geschichte, dieser die Gestalten des Alten Testaments. So sind sie bei allem Weltbürgertum und bei alien kom-munistischen Anwandlungen im Grunde doch Aristokraten.’ See p. 312: ‘Er ist erhaben über das Treiben der Alltagsmenschen. Er verachtet, was sie am höchsten schàtzen und am leidenschaftlichsten suenen.’
19 See W. Telfer, op.cit., pp. 121–44.
20 Epp. 55.21; 57.4; 59.14; 69.17; 72.3; 73.26. I find some difficulty with M. Bévenot’s view that Cyprian is the first to make this claim. See RSR xxxix–xl (1951–2), 397–415. In Ignatius of Antioch the formula is absent but the idea is omnipresent and inevitable. See Smyrn. 8 and 9, Magn. 6 and 13.
21 For much of this section I am indebted to Beck, A., Römisches Rechi bei Tertullian und Cyprian (reprinted Darmstadt, 1967), pp. 106–30.Google Scholar
22 See Garnsey, Peter, Social Status and Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1970), Google Scholarchapter 9, for a glossary of the more important terms.
23 Cf. Wickert, op.cit., p. 139: ‘So hat er noch im Augenblick des äussersten Selbst-verlusts seine grandezza bewahrt.’ Cyprian’s self-assertion is an essential part of his person and place in history: id., p. 135: ‘Hingabe und Selbstbehauptung — ein Widerspruch, in dem sich das menschliche Selbst erst konstituiert! Bei Cyprian gewinnt er zugleich objektive Bedeutung von geschichtlichem Rang.’
24 Cf. also the Roman clergy on the need for guarding and preserving (Ep. 30.4).
25 Millar, F., The Roman Empire and its Neighbours (London, 1967), p. 54.Google Scholar
26 Op. cit., p. 68.
27 See Telfer, W., The Office of a Bishop (London, 1972), p. 135.Google Scholar
28 Dig. i 4.1. Ulpian states further: quodcumque igitur imperator per epistulam et subscriptionem statuit vel cognoscens decrevit vel de pleno interlocutus est vel edicto praecepit, legem esse constat (I am grateful to Prof. Graeme Clarke for this
29 Cyprian speaks of clericae ordinationis ulteriores gradus (Ep. 38.2). Compare Apuleius, Met. x. 18 gradatim permensis honoribus quinquennali magistratui fuerat destinatus with Cyprian, Ep. 55.8 ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit. (Cited by H. Koch, op.cit., p. 330.) Cf. also C.I.L: V 4846: FL. LATINO EPISCOPO AN.III. M. VII. PRAESB. AN. XV. EXORC. AN. XII ET. LATINILLAE. ET. FLA MACRINO. LECTORI FL. PAULINA. NEPTIS. B. M. M. P.
30 Note the mystical-philosophical way in which Ignatius speaks of unity in church order in Magn. 7.
31 Ep. 3. 1–3; 55. 8–9 et passim.
32 M. Bévenot’s comparison of Cyprian’s apostles and bishops with strawberries is interesting but neglects the difference between radial and linear unity. See St. Cyprian [Ancient Christian Writers 25] (London, 1957), p. 103.
33 Cf. the dominant visual aspect of the thinking process as described in Donat. 1 and the description of man’s sole peace as lifting the eyes from earth to heaven (Donat. 14). Note also the irrational invective against Novatus which simply piles picture on picture (Ep. 52.2) and the famous argument from the rivers of paradise against heretical baptism (Ep. 73.10).
34 The individual arguments’are found elsewhere (e.g. Ep. 59) but this letter is both comprehensive and forceful.
35 Cyprian, with his fellow bishops, quotes scripture to prove the opposite in Ep. 67.4, ‘that unworthy persons are sometimes ordained, not according to God’s will but rather according to man’s presumption’.
36 See account of potestas above.
37 The schismatics want to argue from their corporate unity and consensus. Cyprian answers them from hierarchical unity. Their god within is false. The true God is above. Then he turns to the corporate test.
38 Not a good argument here. The schismatic could say this equally well if he sees himself as the only sound Christian; but Cyprian has changed the transparency and is talking about a different picture.
39 See Beck, op.cit., p. 131. Note here M. F. Wiles, op.cit., p. 144: ‘So far from the succession of bishops being grounded upon the succession of the Church, it is the other way round; the succession of the Church is grounded upon and constituted by the succession of bishops. The significance of this shift of emphasis introduced by Cyprian can hardly be overestimated.’
40 See Beck, ibid, and Mommsen, Abriss des römischen Staatsrechts, p. 82 and Mommsen, Staatsrecht I, pp. 1 ff., to which Beck refers.
41 Translation by Greenslade, S.L., Early Latin Theology (London, 1956), p. 127,Google Scholar where a discussion of the meaning of the phrase is appended.
42 Cf.Ep. 58.1.
43 Ep. 33.1.
44 E.g. Epp. 11 & 16.
45 Si ante dignatus fuerit Dominas ostendere.
46 D’Alés, A., La théologie de S. Cyprien (Paris, 1922), p. 77.Google Scholar
47 See Apuleius, Met. xi 5 f. and 21 ff. Lucius is appointed ‘perspicua evidentique magni numinis dignatione’ and guided by ‘noctis obscurae non obscuris imperiis’ Cited by H. Koch, op.cit., p. 320.
48 Ep. 81. See also Ep. 60.1 where Cyprian commends Cornelius for his confession and for the way in which the whole Roman church has confessed in him.
49 Pontius, Vita et Passio S. Cypriani, 11–19.
50 Acta Proconsularia of S. Cyprian.
51 Ep. 59.14 ad ecclesiam principulem unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est. Cyprian’s much discussed term, ecclesia principalis, is explained by the clause which follows it. Principalis means (Lewis and Short) generally ‘first, original, primitive’. The qualifying clause where episcopal unity originated’ specifies the relevant way in which the church at Rome is original. Cyprian’s theme here is the audacity of those who have set up a false bishop in going to the source of episcopal unity and the insolence of the faithless in approaching the church whose faith Paul had praised. See Wickert, op.cit., ch. 7, for a full account.
52 Elsewhere (Ep. 30.2) they speak of their ancient severitas, fides and disciplina, which Paul himself praised.
53 Ep. 9.
54 Ep. 59.14.
55 Ep. 66.8.
56 This seemed inconsistent to Bévenot because he had not separated Cyprian’s different pictures of unity. Bévenot, M., ‘A Bishop is Responsible to God Alone’, RSR 39–11 (1951–2),399.Google Scholar
57 Ep. 20.3.
58 Ep. 20.3.
59 Ep. 55.24. cf. Unit. 5.
60 See Mommsen, Staatsrecht I, pp. 27 ff.
61 Ulpian, Dig. 1 25. Cited by Mommsen, op.cit., p. 30.
62 ‘Diese musste dazu führen, dass jede von einem der Collegen beabsichtigte Amtshandlung von Bedeutung, insbesondere jeder an den Senat oder das Volk zu richtende Antrag, regelmässig vorher den Collegen unterbreitet und wo möglich deren Unterstützung dafür erwirkt ward. Unterstiitzung und Miturheberschaft fliessen nothwendig in einander über.’ Mommsen, op.cit., p. 44.
63 Ep. 9.1.
64 Ep. 45.3.
65 Note that the Roman clergy use the same argument to gain support for Cyprian in Carthage (Ep. 30.3).
66 Bévenot, M.,‘A Bishop is Responsible to God Alone’, RSR 39–11 (1951–2),415.Google Scholar
67 Adam, K., Tlteol. Quart, cxiv (1933), 442,Google Scholarcited by Bévenot, op.cit., 415.
68 Bévenot, ibid.