¹ Draper, P., ‘Bishop Northwold and the cult of St Etheldreda’, Medieval Art and Architecture at Ely Cathedral, Brit. Arch. Ass. Conf. Trans. 2, 1976 (1979), 8–27.Google Scholar

² Millers, G., Description of the Cathedral Church at Ely (London, 1807), 77Google Scholar, had no doubt the east window was once filled with stained glass ‘but that was of course demolished in the general wreck’. (He notes ‘confused remains’ of other medieval glass in the south transept and elsewhere.) The glass was in all likelihood destroyed as a result of the injunctions of Bishop Thomas Goodrich in 1541, which ordered the removal and obliteration of the cathedral's shrines, statuary, relics and other objects of veneration. There is no evidence to believe that the cathedral fabric suffered much damage at the hands of Cromwell, Dowsing, or their troops in the seventeenth century; see Cocke, T., ‘The architectural history of Ely from 154010 1840’, Medieval Art and Architecture at Ely Cathedral, Brit. Arch. Ass. Conf. Trans. 2, 1976 (1979), 71Google Scholar, n. 3, and Cobb, G., English Cathedrals: the Forgotten Centuries (London, 1980), 74.Google Scholar

³ Bentham, J., The History and Antiquities of the Conventual and Cathedral Church of Ely (Cambridge, 1771), 285; Draper, op. cit. (note 1),9.Google Scholar

⁴ The choir had also been situated underneath the former crossing-tower before its collapse. For the most recent detailed discussion of the fourteenth-century building works at Ely, see Lindley, P. G., ‘The monastic cathedral at Ely, c. 1320 to c. 1350’, unpubl. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. Cambridge (1985).Google Scholar

⁵ See Skeat, F. W., ‘The family of William Wailes of Newcastle upon Tyne’, Family Hist, XI (Dec. 1980), 184–205; for details of Wailes's work at Ely Cathedral, see this author's forthcoming publication by the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The Stained Glass of Ely Cathedral.Google Scholar

⁶ The college chapels of Oxford University (and, to a lesser extent, of Cambridge) should perhaps be included. At Oxford, however, the patronage of religious painted glass had persisted more or less continuously throughout the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.

⁷ Two windows had been inserted in Westminster Abbey in 1721 and 1735. The first, containing figures of the Apostles, was by Joshua Price and the second, figures of the Evangelists and Patriarchs, by William Price the Younger. Figural painted glass on a smaller scale was installed by Peckitt in York Minster in 1754 and 1758: see Brighton, J. T., ‘The enamel glass painters of York 1585–1795’, unpubl. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. York (1978), 300–1,Google Scholar 328. In 1762, Peckitt received a commission for the great east window of Lincoln Minster, but this was filled with heraldry in a mosaic of plain coloured glass: ibid., 359–60. In the same year he supplied the ‘Chancellors' window’, containing a list of names and dates of all past chancellors of Lincoln Cathedral: ibid., 63. The Dean and Chapter of Norwich proposed in 1767 to insert painted glass in the central windows at the east end of the cathedral as part of a general programme of restoration and alteration. However, the first window was not finished until some ten years later; moreover, it was ‘painted’ rather than ‘vitrified’ enamelled glass and was both qualitatively and technically inferior to the work of Peckitt and Pearson for example. The most recent and perhaps most important cathedral commission for modern painted glass was completed for Exeter in 1767, for which see below, note 28.

⁸ The most recent discussion of the life and œuvre of James Pearson is by Wynne, Michael, ‘Irish stained and painted glass in the eighteenth century’, in P., Moore (ed.), Crown in Glory (Norwich, 1982), 60–8. This article also draws attention to the importance of the Ely east window commission, and contains the fullest discussion so far of its history (61–6). It also provides a useful collation of the conflicting evidence for Pearson's birth and death dates, although Wynne comes to no firm conclusion about either: he describes the Ely window as the earliest of Pearson's recorded commissions. See below, note 57.Google Scholar

⁹ Apart from Wynne, op. cit. (note 8), the only other detailed discussion of the east window is by Moore, P., The Stained Glass of Ely Cathedral (Ely, 1973), 4–5Google Scholar. For the restoration and building works at Ely under Essex, James, id., Three Restorations of Ely Cathedral (Ely, 1973), 7–10Google Scholar; Cobb, op. cit. (note 2), 76–91. The most recent discussions of Essex's work at Ely are by Cocke, T.: ‘James Essex, cathedral restorer’, Architect. Hist., XVIII (1975), 1222Google Scholar; id., op. cit. (note 2), 73–7; id., The Ingenious Mr Essex, Architect, Fitzwilliam Museum Bicentenary Exhibition Catalogue (Cambridge, 1984), 32–3Google Scholar and ills.

¹⁰ For biographical details of James Essex (1722–84), ibid., introduction, 3–6.

¹¹ For the most recent discussion and summary of opinions, see Lindley, P. G., ‘“Carpenter's Gothic”and Gothic carpentry: contrasting attitudes to therestoration of the octagon and removals of the choirat Ely Cathedral’, Architect. Hist., XXX (1987), 83–112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Cocke, op. cit. (note 2), 73.

¹³ Bentham, op. cit. (note 3), 285.

¹⁴ In fact, plans for the removal of the choir hadbeen suggested by Bishop Peter Gunning (1675–84), shortly before his death: Willis, Browne, A Survey of the Cathedrals of Lincoln, Ely, Oxford and Peterborough (London, 1730), 334–5. Then, aslater, the cost was likely to have been the prohibitive factor; the restoration of the octagon which wasthen under way had exhausted the cathedral's funds.Google Scholar

¹⁵ ’Concerning the Proposal made by the Bishopof Removing the Present Choir into the Presbytery.May 1761.’ U(niversity) L(ibrary) C(ambridge), Add(itional) MS 2957, fo. 116.

¹⁶ U.L.C., Add. MS 29680, fos. 46–7.

¹⁷ This was clearly an underestimate: the accounts reveal that £3,600 had been spent on the removal. In 1774 the cathedral was trying desperately to raise money by annuities, whilst in 1778 they were still paying off interest to Essex on unpaid bills: Moore, Three Restorations, op. cit. (note 9), 10.

¹⁸ U.L.C., Add. MS 29680, fo. 47. Essex may have been intending to design this glazing arrangement himself. Amongst the British Library Architectural Collections (B.L., Add. MS 6772, fos. 215–16) is a very rough sketch by Essex of the central lancet of the Ely east window, including stained glass; two coats of arms and a sun-burst are depicted. In 1778–80, he designed and executed a window for the library in the home at Enfield of Richard Gough, Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries, to receive Gough's collection of ancient stained glass. His correspondence with Gough about the work shows, moreover, that Essex was familiar with obtaining and handling old glass: Bodleian Lib., Oxford, Gough Gen. Topog. MS 4b, fos. 160–94.

¹⁹ The great west window of Winchester Cathedral is one of the largest and earliest indications of preservationist feeling for ancient glass; its arrangement of fragments of glass smashed by Puritan iconoclasts dates from the Restoration. At Gloucester a large programme of repair and restoration work was carried out between 1660 and 1662 on the cathedral's medieval glass. York Minster had from the Reformation onwards a strong tradition of routine maintenance for its extensive remains of medieval glass. Bentham mentions with particular approval the resetting of medieval glass in York Minster (see above) and this may well refer to William Peckitt's most recent restorations there from 1757 onwards. Other notable work of a similar nature by Peckitt was for St Martin's Church, Stamford (although much of this glass did not originate from St Martin's): Brighton, op. cit. (note 7), 339–40. At Peterborough, Dean Tarrant (1764–91) is said to have collected together some fragments of the old glass and put them in the two central east windows, before the insertion of modern glass ‘in bad taste’ into the other four windows: Craddock, T., Peterborough Cathedral (Peterborough, 1864), 202. However, these and other isolated documented examples should not obscure the fact that the eighteenth century was also aperiod of thoughtless and ignorant destruction and neglect of medieval glass.Google Scholar

²⁰ Wyatt's personal responsibility for the destruction of medieval glass at Salisbury has never been fully substantiated. I have discovered no contemporary references to it; the first comment seems to have come from Pugin himself in the Catholic Mag. III (1839), 22–3Google Scholar. This was taken up by Charles, Winston, and elaborated upon in the Proceedings of the Archaeological Institute: Memoirs illustrative of the History and Antiquities of Wiltshire. (Salisbury), V, 1849 (1851), 135–6Google Scholar. Wyatt was further maligned in 1932 when glass supposedly dumped by him was discovered in the town ditch; but a writer of a letter published in the Salisbury Times of 11 March 1938 attested that the glass had not come from the cathedral and had been dumped much more recently than the 1790s. For the destruction of glass at Durham, see Haselock, J. and O'Connor, D., ‘The medieval stained glass of Durham Cathedral’, Medieval Art and Architecture at Durham Cathedral, Brit. Arch. Ass. Conf. Trans. 3, 1977 (1980), 105–29.Google Scholar

²¹ Bentham, op. cit. (note 3), 214. When Bishop of Chichester (1740–54), Mawson had planned to ornament the choir of that cathedral: Winkles, B., A Descriptive Account of the Cathedral Church of Ely(Ely, 1841), 64. This scheme was not carried outbecause of Mawson's translation to Ely, although hedid provide a new bishop's throne.Google Scholar

²² U.L.C., EDC 4/5/42, Chapter Agreement,25 November 1768.

²³ Bishop Mawson himself removed a painted glass figure of St Etheldreda from Ely House, Holborn, into the bishop's palace at Ely for safekeeping: Lewis, W. S. (ed.), Horace Walpole's Correspondence, 48 vols. (Oxford, 1937–1983), 1, 31, and n. 7, letter from Cole of 3 November 1762. Another figure of St Etheldreda was in the window of the prebendal house belonging to Dr John Nichols. Bishop Mawson eventually chose the former piece for inclusion in Bentham's Ely, op. cit. (note 3), where it was the subject of an engraving by P. S. Lamborne: Lewis, op. cit. (this note), 184, letter from Cole of 3 August 1769. Bentham also had ancient stained glass in his windows: Gentleman's Mag. (1788), 11, 792. Mr Heaton, another member of the Chapter, had modern glass ‘in an ancient style’ in his windows: William Cole's diary, B.L., Add. MS 5832, fo. 230, 18 May 1768. It is possible, of course, that the ‘private contributions’ might have also consisted of modern glass.Google Scholar

²⁴ Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 146, 20 July 1768.

²⁵ Brighton, op. cit. (note 7), 323, 339–41, 346.

²⁶ Ibid., 351–3, 356.

²⁷ In 1962, the medieval glass was collected intothe east window of St Dunstan's Chapel in the south-east transept, as a memorial to Will Spens. The restoration and assemblage of the glass was done by D. King & Sons of Norwich. The medieval glass in the Lady Chapel was removed for restoration at the same time. William Cole did, however, make some manuscript notes in 1759 on the heraldic glass remaining in the cathedral. B.L., Add. MS 5832, fo. 93.

²⁸ The west window of Exeter, planned in 1764 and put up at the instigation of Dean Jeremiah Milles, was also part of a general scheme of restoration and refurbishment within the cathedral, deanery and bishop's palace. Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 146. Cole quotes from a letter from Edward Betham about Exeter Cathedral. For the history of this window, see Woodforde, C., The Stained Glass of New College, Oxford (Oxford, 1951), 22–3Google Scholar, 28–31; Skeat, F. W., ‘The vanished glass of Exeter Cathedral’, J. Brit. Soc. Master Glass-Painters, XI (2) (1953), 80–3. Brighton, op. cit. (note 7), 408–10.Google Scholar

²⁹ Walpole himself had subscribed in 1767 to aprint of the west window, engraved by R. Coffin ofExeter, and costing one guinea: Lewis, op. cit. (note23), XLI 102, n. 3, letter to Reverend J. Milles of 20 October 1767.

³⁰ In December 1769, Peckitt presented in person the royal arms to King George III, an act which ‘marked the height of Peckitt's fame’: Brighton, op.cit. (note 7), 448.

³¹ It must also be said that not everyone was unanimous in praising Peckitt's work; criticism of his figure drawing—particularly by the Warden and Fellows of New College, from whom he had received commisions in the 1760s—must have undermined his reputation to some extent: Woodforde, op. cit. (note 28), 21–37.

³² Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 146, letter from Cole of 20 July 1768. The royal chapel at Versailles, built by Mansart in 1689–1710, had two storeys which ‘made the chapel of great height in relation to its breadth—so that the proportions of the interior are those of a gothic chapel rather than a classical building’: Blunt, A., Art and Architecture in France,1 500–1700 (London, 1953), 365Google Scholar.

³³ These five, finished drawings are currendy in the Department of Prints and Drawings, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; see Cocke, Mr Essex, op. cit. (note 9), 32–3 and ills.

³⁴ In Peterborough, Salisbury and Bristol Cathedrals, for example, organs were situated on the medieval pulpita at the west end of the choir; in Worcester Cathedral and Bath Abbey they had been placed on the later western choir screens.

³⁵ B.L., Add. MS 6772, fo. 249. This alternative was evidently seriously considered at one point; Walpole may have proposed it as a compromise, preferring, like Essex, to keep the vista within the cathedral uninterrupted if possible; see Cole's diary entry for 12 July 1769, B.L, Add. MS 5835, fo.413. The side position was adopted for the organ in the mid-nineteenth century, during the second relocation of the choir under G. G. Scott.

³⁶ U.L.C., EDC 4/5/42, Chapter Agreement, 25 November 1768 (my italics).

³⁷ This drawing was reproduced by Stewart, D. R., ‘James Essex’, Architect. Rev. CVIII (1950), 318Google Scholar, fig. 7. The drawing described as his design for the altar and reredos of Ely (ibid., fig. 8) is almost certainly a depiction of the altar and reredos of Lincoln Cathedral which Essex completed in c. 1769: Cocke, Mr Essex, op. cit. (note 9), 55, 61. Stewart seems not to have realized that this design for the choir screen at Ely was never carried out. As executed, the western screen was of a much more substantial form, supporting an organ of larger dimensions than the one Essex had depicted under the east window (pl. XIIIb). The screen appears to have been modelled on the early fourteenth-century pulpitum of Exeter Cathedral: Lindley, op. cit. (note 4), Appendix B, ix. For engraved and painted views of the choir screen and organ case, see Cobb, op. cit. (note 2), figs. 135–7, 88–9; there is a watercolour by R. H. Essex in the vestry of Ely Cathedral: repr. Lindley, op. cit. (note 4), fig. 283.

³⁸ Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 185, letter from Cole of 3 August 1769.

³⁹ Ibid., 163, letter to Cole of 14 June 1769.

⁴⁰ See this author's forthcoming publication, The Stained Glass of Ely Cathedral.

⁴¹ Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 163, letter to Cole of 14 June 1769. The height of Essex's screen at the east end did effectively ‘shorten’ the lancets, perhaps also with a view to making their proportions more manageable.

⁴² U.L.C., EDC 4/5/14, articles of agreement.The contract was signed in the presence of Dr John Warren and James Essex.

⁴³ A clause was inserted that the figure of St Etheldreda should be executed ‘after an engraving by P. S. Lamborne’, with the addition of ‘Canopy, Pedastal Border Illuminations and all other Ornaments and Decorations’. The engraving referred to is undoubtedly that paid for by Bishop Mawson and published by Bentham, op. cit. (note 3), as pl. VIII: see Moore, Stained Glass, op. cit. (note 9), 2. This was in turn taken from the sixteeenth-century roundel of St Etheldreda dressed as an abbess (see above, note 23), now in St Dunstan's Chapel. The extent of Pearson's reliance on Lamborne's engraving may be gauged from his unfinished head of St Etheldreda, which Moore decribes as ‘a romantic etherealisation of both Lamborne and of the original roundel’ (see pl. XVb). Peter Spendelowe Lamborne (c. 1722–74) was a London engraver and painter of miniatures.

⁴⁴ B.L., Add. MS 5835, fo. 413.

⁴⁵ Ibid. Undoubtedly, Cole's preference for figures of saints as opposed to those of the Virtues was a reflection of his own High Church tendencies for which he was known as ‘Cardinal Cole’. Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, introduction, xxviii.

⁴⁶ For the range of Walpole's changing opinion on this window, see Woodforde, op. cit. (note 28), 54–5. However, he himself had stained glass depicting emblematic figures in his library window at Strawberry Hill: see his Description of Strawberry Hill (London, 1784), 34.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ James Bentham's magnum opus (see above, note 3). Cf. the policy adopted at Exeter Cathedral with regard to the new west window there. The Dean had organized a large-scale subscription amongst the nobility, gentry and dignitaries of the church, city and county, a large number of whom paid to have their own arms included in the window: Chanter, J. F., ‘The story of the cloisters of Exeter Cathedral’, Trans. Exeter Diocesan Architect.& Arch. Soc. 3rd ser. IV (3) (1937), 148.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 164,14 June 1769.

⁴⁹ U.L.C.EDC 4/5/14.

⁵⁰ Bentham, op. cit. (note 3), 214. He refers to Pearson as ‘an eminent Artist’. The agreement also stated that if, once the upper lancets were completed, the Bishop did not approve of the work, then Pearson would be released from his contract and the lower lancets would be completed by someone else.

⁵¹ As Wynne has also conjectured, op. cit. (note 8), 62

⁵² See above.

⁵³ For the most recent discussions of the work of the Price family, see Archer, M., ‘Stained glass at Erddig and the work of William Price’, Apollo, CXXII (Oct. 1985), 252–63; id., ‘The case of the superstitious images’, in Moore, op. cit. (note 8), 48–57.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See S. M. Gold, A Short Account of the Life and Work of John Rowell (privately printed, 1965).

⁵⁵ Wynne, op. cit. (note 8), 58–60. Jervais arrived in England with a recommendation to Walpole from Lord Charlemont.

⁵⁶ Eginton started business as a glass-painter when his partnership with Matthew Boulton broke up in 1784: Aitken, W. C., ‘Francis Eginton of Birmingham’, Trans. Birmingham & Midland Inst.:Arch. Section, II, 1872 (1873), 27–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ The Royal Academy Council Minutes for 22 November 1837 record that Pearson was then aged 97 and in need of financial assistance: Wynne, op. cit. (note 8), 65. This appears to be the only documented record of Pearson's age. Bryan, Michael, Dictionary of Painters and Engravers (London, 1889), first published in 1849, records that Pearson was born ‘about the middle of the eighteenth century’, but the date 1750 seems to have been fixed upon by Strickland, Woodforde and others.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Walpole, H., Strawberry Hill Accounts, ed. P., Toynbee (Oxford, 1927), 160.Google Scholar Cf. also Thomas Gray's letter to Thomas Wharton, written from London in May 1761: ‘Mr Price here has left off business and retired into Wales: the person who succeeds him does not pretend to be acquainted with all the secrets of his art.’ If this does refer to Pearson then he would have been about twenty-one at the time he established himself independently as a glass-painter: Toynbee, P. and Whibley, L. (eds.),The Correspondence of Thomas Gray, 3 vols. (London, 1935), 11Google Scholar, letter no. 333. Knowles, J. A. alsobelieved this relationship to have existed: ‘The Price family of glass-painters’, Antiq. J. XXXIII (1953), 184.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The ‘person’ Gray mentioned could, of course, have been another of Price's assistants:ibid., 196.

⁵⁹ Walpole, op. cit. (note 58), 63.

⁶⁰ S., Lee (ed.), Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1895), 167Google Scholar; Knowles, J. A., ‘William Peckitt, glass-painter’, Walpole Soc. XVII (1928–1929), 50: Knowles mistakenly calls him ‘John Pearson’.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Bryan, op. cit. (note 57), 555.

⁶² Archer, ‘Superstitious images’, op. cit. (note 53), 54–5.

⁶³ Walpole, H., Anecdotes of Painting in England, with additions by J., Dallaway, 5 vols. (London, 1826), 11, 40. Paterson also sold modern and ancient glass in London for William Peckitt; see Brighton, op. cit. (note 7), 369.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Dossie, R., Handmaid to the Arts, 2 vols. (2nd edn., London, 1764), 1, 363.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Eglington Margaret Pearson (d. 1823) was a highly accomplished painter on glass and enamel. Little about her is known besides her collaboration with her husband, although she exhibited her own work at the Society of Artists in 1775, 1776 and 1777. In Hobbes, J., The Picture Collectors' Manual (London, 1849)Google Scholar, she was one of only six glass-painters mentioned, with a much longer entry than her husband received. William Warrington had no doubt that hers was the greater talent in the partnership. In his History of Stained Glass (London, 1848), 15Google Scholar, Warrington writes: ‘it is to his wife… that Pearson was indebted for anything artistical in his works’. For further information on Eglington Margaret, see Hosken, C., ‘An eighteenth-century woman glass-painter’, Connoisseur, LXIX (July 1924), 133–4.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ This may denote Pearson's past connections with the glass industry in that city. Crown glass was introduced from France in the sixteenth century, and was the standard and most popular type of window glass manufactured in mid-eighteenth-century England.

⁶⁷ Dixon, A. C. S., ‘The restoration of AlnwickCasde 1750–1786’, unpubl. B. Architect. thesis, Newcasde Univ. School of Architecture (1960), 43–6 and appendices 8 and 9. These windows were designed by the Adam brothers, the largest being based on the east window of York Minster.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid., appendices 8 and 9 give details of the agreement and payments. In 1792, Pearson was contracted to execute two heraldic windows for Lord Braybrooke, for Saffron Walden Church. He was six weeks late in producing the glass, thus breaking the terms of the agreement but was paid in full, no penalty being exacted: Steer, F. W., ‘The Braybrooke glass in Saffron Walden Church’, J. Brit. Soc. Master Glass-Painters, XI (3) (1954), 148–51.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Wynne, op. cit. (note 8), 59.

⁷⁰ Lewis, op. cit. (note 23), 1, 201, letter to Cole of 20 November 1770. The comment could also be seen as substantiating the statement that Pearson had been a pupil of Price.

⁷¹ Ibid., 206, letter to Cole of 20 December 1770.

⁷² Ibid., 214, letter from Cole of 18 April 1771.

⁷³ European Mag. II (Nov. 1782), 400.Google Scholar For a lively account of the attempted arrest of Pearson, see Pasquin, A., An Authentic History of the Professors of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture who have practised in Ireland (London, 1796), 23–4.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ It is now in the west window of the college chapel.

⁷⁵ See above, note 17.

⁷⁶ U.L.C., EDC 2/1/5, order book: 1770–1804, 59, Chapter meeting, 14 June 1776.

⁷⁷ U.L.C., Ely Chapter MS 23: Bentham Papers A/2/a, letter no. 10.

⁷⁸ Ibid., letter no. 11, 7 February 1784. By this time William Cole was dead and James Essex was to die in September 1784.

⁷⁹ U.L.C., EDC2/1/5, orderbook: 1770–1804, 150, entry for 14 June 1790.

⁸⁰ U.L.C., EDC 4/1/25, Clerk of the Works’ accounts: 1782–97, see entries between 24 June 1790 and 22 January 1791.

⁸¹ Ibid., entry for ‘Robert Painter at the east window, 1790’.

⁸² Brighton, op. cit. (note 7), 551, 556.

⁸³ They were presumably considered too fragmentary for use in the east window of the cathedral.

⁸⁴ Two coats of arms were acquired from Peckitt. The first ‘schield of Arms’ may well have been a replacement for one of Pearson's pieces, since contemporary representations of the window appear to show only the ‘oval plate of Arms, with foliage’ bought in April 1791 (see pl. XVIIb). A painting for the altarpiece, representing the ‘Delivery of St Peter from Prison’, was presented by Bishop James Yorke in 1801. It was for a long time attributed to Ribera, and was situated immediately beneath the painted glass figure of St Peter: Millers, op. cit. (note 2), 78.

⁸⁵ East end of Ely Cathedral, exterior view, after a drawing by R. Garland, in Winkles, op. cit. (note 21), pl. 70; see also the engraving of the interior view of the choir by Hablot Browne, from a sketch by R. Garland, pl. 78.

⁸⁶ Victoria and Albert Museum, London, Department of Prints and Drawings, WD 138 (344–1891). Strangely, this water-colour also depicts the upper lancets as entirely filled with a painted glass ‘Crucifixion’. Possibly the artist had heard of the abortive eighteenth-century scheme to fill the whole window, but there is no archival evidence to support the belief that the upper lancets were filled at all before Wailes's glass was inserted.A view of the Lady Chapel interior, included in Stevenson's, W., Supplement to the First Edition of MrBentham's History… (Norwich, 1817), plate facing the supplement, 62, also shows imaginary painted glass in the windows which here attempts to reconstruct, in a somewhat generalized way, the medieval appearance of the building.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Visitors to the Ely Stained Glass Museum, housed in the north triforium of the cathedral, must pass the window. J. A. Knowles for some reason mistook it for the work of Peckitt; Knowles, op. cit. (note 60), 58.